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TRUTH 
ABOUT  GERMANY 


*    *    * 


FACTS  ABOUT  THE  WAR 


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HONORARY  COMMITTEE: 

Ballin,  Vorsitzender  des  Direktoriums  der  Hamburg-Amerika 

Linie,  Hamburg. 
Furst  VON  BiJLOw,  Hamburg. 

Dr.  R.W.  Drechsler,  Direktor  des  Amerika-Instituts,  Berlin. 
D.  Dryander,  Ober-Hof-  und  Domprediger,  Berlin. 
Dr.  Freiherr  von  der  Goltz,  Generalfeldmarschall,  Berlin. 
VON  GwiNNER,  Direktor  der  Deutschen  Bank,  Berlin. 
Prof.  Dr.  VON  Harnack,  Berlin. 
Fiirst  VON  Hatzfeldt,  Herzog  zu  Trachenberg. 
Dr.  Heineken,  Direktor  des  Norddeutschen  Lloyds,  Bremen. 
Fiirst  Henckel  von  Donnersmarck. 
Dr.  Kaempf,  Prasident  des  Reichstags,  Berlin. 
Prof.  Dr.  EuGEN  Kuhnemann,  Breslau. 
Prof.  Dr.  Lamprecht,  Leipzig. 

Dr.TnEODOR  Lewald,  Direktor  im  Reichsamt  des  Innern,  Berlin. 
Franz  von  Mendelssohn,  Prasident  der  Handelskammer,  Berlin. 
Fiirst  Mijnster-Derneburg,  Mitglied  des  Herrenhauses. 
Graf  VON  Oppersdorff,  Mitglied   des  Herrenhauses  und  des 

Reichstags,  Berlin. 
Graf  VON  Posadowsky-Wehner. 
Dr.  Walther  Rathenau,  Berlin. 
Viktor  Herzog  von  Ratibor. 
Dr.  Schmidt,  Ministerialdirektor,  Berlin. 
Prof.  Dr.  VON  Schmoller,  Berlin. 
Graf  VON  Schwerin-Lowitz,  Prasident  des  Hauses  der  Abgeord- 

neten. 
Wilhelm  von  Siemens,  Berlin. 
Friedrich  Fiirst  zu  Solms-Baruth. 
Max  Warburg,  Hamburg. 


Siegfried  Wagner,  Bayreuth.  j 

VON  Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,  Berlin.  ^ 

Profl  Dr.  WuNDT,  Leipzig.  ^ 

Frau  Geh.  Kommerzienrat  Goldberger,  Berlin.  ] 

Fiirstin  Henckel  von  Donnersmarck.  I 

Herzogin  VON  Ratibor.  ^ 

Frau  Baronin  Speck  von  Sternburg.  \ 

Frau  Staatsminister  von  Trott  zu  Solz.  ] 


BOARD  OF  EDITORS:  I 

\ 
Paul  Dehn,  Schriftsteller,  Berlin. 

Dr.  Drechsler,  Direktor  des  Amerika-Instituts,  Berlin.  ■ 

Matthias  Erzberger,  Mitglied  des  Reichstags,  Berlin.  \ 

Prof.  Dr.  Francke,  Berlin.  ,i 

B.  HuLDERMANN,  DirektoT  der  Hamburg- Amerika-Linie,  Ham-  \ 

burg.  1 

Dr.  Ernst  Jackh,  Berlin.  i 

D.  Naumann,  Mitglied  des  Reichstags,  Berlin.  ] 

Graf  VON  Oppersdorff,  Mitglied  des  preufiischen  Herrenhauses,  ] 

Mitglied  des  Reichstags,  Berlin.  ] 

Graf  zu  Reventlow,  Schriftsteller,  Charlottenburg.  \ 

Dr.  Paul  Rohrbach,  Dozent  an  der  Handelshochschule,  Berlin.  ^ 

Dr.  Schacht,  Direktor  der  Dresdner  Bank,  Berlin.  ] 


5    •• ; 


LISTEN,  ALL  YE  PEOPLE! 

rr^^RY  to  realise,  every  one  of  you,  what  we  are  going 
I  through !  Only  a  few  weeks  ago,  all  of  us  were  peace- 
ftilly  following  our  several  vocations.  The  peasant  was 
gathering  in  this  summer's  plentiful  crop,  the  factory 
hand  was  working  with  accustomed  vigour.  Not  one  human 
being  amongst  us  dreamt  of  war.  We  are  a  nation  that 
wishes  to  lead  a  quiet  and  industrious  life.  This  need 
hardly  be  stated  to  you  Americans.  You,  of  all  others, 
know  the  temper  of  the  German  who  lives  within  your 
gates.  Our  love  of  peace  is  so  strong  that  it  is  not  regarded 
by  us  in  the  light  of  a  virtue,  we  simply  know  it  to  be 
an  inborn  and  integral  portion  of  ourselves.  Since  the 
foundation  of  the  German  Empire  in  the  year  1871,  we, 
living  in  the  centre  of  Europe,  have  given  an  example  of 
tranquillity  and  peace,  never  once  seeking  to  profit  by 
any  momentary  difficulties  of  our  neighbours.  Our  com- 
mercial extension,  our  financial  rise  in  the  world,  is  far 
removed  from  any  love  of  adventure,  it  is  the  fruit  of 
painstaking  and  plodding  labour. 

We  are  not  credited  with  this  temper,  because  we  are 
insufficiently  known.  Our  situation  and  our  way  of  thin- 
king is  not  easily  grasped. 

Every  one  is  aware  that  we  have  produced  great  philo- 
sophers and  poets,  we  have  preached  the  gospel  of  human- 
ity with  impassioned  zeal.     America  fully  appreciates 


•••••• 

*  •      •         •         r 


Goethe  and  Kant,  looks  upon  them  as  comer-stones  of 
elevated  culture.  Do  you  really  believe  that  we  have 
changed  our  natures,  that  our  souls  can  be  satisfied  with 
military  drill  and  servile  obedience?  We  are  soldiers, 
because  we  have  to  be  soldiers,  because  otherwise  Germany 
and  German  civilisation  would  be  swept  away  from  the 
face  of  the  earth.  It  has  cost  us  long  and  weary  struggles 
to  attain  our  independence,  and  we  know  full  well, 
that  in  order  to  preserve  it,  we  must  not  content  ourselves 
with  building  schools  and  factories,  we  must  look  to  our 
garrisons  and  forts.  We  and  all  our  soldiers  have  re 
mained,  however,  the  same  lovers  of  music,  and  lovers  of 
exalted  thought.  We  have  retained  our  old  devotion  to 
all  peaceable  sciences  and  arts;  as  all  the  world  knows, 
we  work  in  the  foremost  rank  of  all  those  who  strive  to 
advance  the  exchange  of  commodities,  who  further  use- 
ful, technical  knowledge.  But  we  have  been  forced  to 
become  a  nation  of  soldiers,  in  order  to  be  free.  And 
we  are  bound  to  follow  our  Kaiser,  because  he  symbo- 
lises and  represents  the  unity  of  our  nation.  To-day, 
knowing  no  distinction  of  party,  no  difference  of  opinion, 
we  rally  around  him,  willing  to  shed  the  last  drop  of 
our  blood.  For  though  it  takes  a  great  deal  to  rouse  us 
Germans,  when  once  aroused,  our  feelings  run  deep  and 
strong.  Every  one  is  filled  with  this  passion,  with  the 
soldier's  ardour.  But  when  the  waters  of  the  deluge  shall 
have  subsided,  gladly  will  we  return  to  the  plough,  and 
to  the  anvil. 


It  deeply  distresses  us  to  see  two  highly  civilised 
nations,  England  and  France,  joining  the  onslaught  of 
autocratic  Russia.  That  this  could  happen,  will  remain 
one  of  the  anomalies  of  history.  It  is  not  our  fault :  we 
firmly  believed  in  the  desirability  of  the  great  nations 
working  together,  we  peacably  came  to  terms  with  France 
and  England  in  sundry  difficult  African  questions.  There 
was  no  cause  for  war  between  Western  Europe  and  us, 
no  reason,  why  Western  Europe  should  feel  itself  con- 
strained to  further  the  power  of  the  Czar. 

The  Czar,  as  an  individual,  is  most  certainly  not  the 
instigator  of  the  unspeakable  horrors  that  are  now  in- 
undating Europe.  But  he  bears  before  God  and  Posterity 
the  responsibility  of  having  allowed  himself  to  be  ter- 
rorised by  an  unscrupulous  military  clique. 

Ever  since  the  weight  of  the  crown  has  pressed  upon 
him,  he  has  been  the  tool  of  others.  He  did  not  desire  the 
brutalities  in  Finland,  he  did  not  approve  of  the  iniquities 
of  the  Jewish  Pogroms,  but  his  hand  was  too  weak  to 
stop  the  fury  of  the  reactionary  party.  Why  would  he 
not  permit  Austria  to  pacify  her  southern  frontier?  It 
was  inconceivable  that  Austria  should  calmly  see  her 
heir  apparent  murdered.  How  could  she?  All  the  nation- 
alities under  her  rule  realised  the  impossibility  of  tamely 
allowing  Servia's  only  too  evident  and  successful  intrigues 
to  be  carried  on  under  her  very  eyes.  The  Austrians 
could  not  allow  their  venerable  and  sorely  stricken  mon- 
arch to  be  wounded  and  insulted  any  longer.   This  rea- 


8 

sonable  and  honourable  sentiment  on  the  part  of  Austria 
has  caused  Russia  to  put  itself  forward  as  the  patron  of 
Servia,  as  the  enemy  of  European  thought  and  civilisation. 

Russia  has  an  important  mission  to  fulfil  in  its  own 
country,  and  in  Asia.  It  would  do  better  in  its  own  in- 
terest to  leave  the  rest  of  the  world  in  peace.  But  the  die 
is  cast,  and  all  nations  must  decide  whether  they  wish 
to  further  us  by  sentiments  and  by  deeds,  or  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Czar.  This  is  the  real  significance  of  this 
appalling  struggle,  all  the  rest  is  immaterial.  Russia's  atti- 
tude alone  has  forced  us  to  go  to  war  with  France,  and 
with  their  great  ally. 

The  German  nation  is  serious  and  conscientious.  Never 
would  a  German  government  dare  to  contemplate  a  war 
for  the  sake  of  dynastic  interest,  or  for  the  sake  of  glory. 
This  would  be  against  the  entire  bent  of  our  character. 
Firmly  believing  in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  all  parties, 
the  conservatives  and  the  clericals,  the  liberals  and  the 
socialists,  have  joined  hands.  All  disputes  are  forgotten, 
one  duty  exists  for  all,  the  duty  of  defending  our  country 
and  vanquishing  the  enemy. 

Will  not  this  calm  self-reliant  and  unanimous  readiness 
to  sacrifice  all,  to  die  or  to  win,  appeal  to  other  nations 
and  force  them  to  understand  our  real  character  and  the 
situation  in  which  we  are  placed? 

The  war  has  severed  us  from  the  rest  of  the  world, 
all  our  cable  communications  are  destroyed.  But  the 
winds  will  carry  the  mighty  voice  of  justice  even  across 


the  ocean.  We  trust  in  God,  we  have  confidence  in  the 
judgement  of  right-minded  men.  And  through  the  roar 
of  battle,  we  call  to  you  all.  Do  not  believe  the  mischiev- 
ous lies  that  our  enemies  are  spreading  about!  We  do 
not  know  if  victory  will  be  ours,  the  Lord  alone  knows. 
We  have  not  chosen  our  path,  we  must  continue  doing 
our  duty,  even  to  the  very  end.  We  bear  the  misery  of  war, 
the  death  of  our  sons,  believing  in  Germany,  believing 
in  duty. 

And  we  know  that  Germany  cannot  be  wiped  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. 


HOW  THE  WAR  CAME  ABOUT. 

Who  is  responsible  for  the  war? — Not  Germany!  Eng- 
land's Policy !  Her  shifting  of  responsibility  and  promo- 
ting the  struggle  while  alone  possessing  power  to  avert  it ! 

IT  is  an  old  and  common  experience  that  after  the  out- 
break of  a  war  the  very  parties  and  persons  that  wanted 
the  war,  either  at  once  or  later  assert,  that  the  enemy 
wanted  and  began  it.  The  German  empire  especially  al- 
ways had  to  suffer  from  such  untruthful  assertions,  and 
the  very  first  days  of  the  present  terrible  European  war 
confirm  again  this  old  experience.  Again  Russian,  French 
and  British  accounts  represent  the  German  empire  as 
having  wanted  the  war. 

Only  a  few  months  ago  influential  men  and  newspapers 
of  Great  Britain  as  well  as  of  Paris  could  be  heard  to  ex- 
press the  opinion  that  nobody  in  Europe  wanted  war  and 
that  especially  the  German  emperor  and  his  government 
had  sincerely  and  effectively  been  working  for  peace.  Espe- 
cially the  English  government  in  the  course  of  the  last 
two  years  asserted  frequently  and  publicly,  and  was  sup- 
ported by  the  Westminster  Gazette  and  a  number  of  in- 
fluential English  newspapers  in  the  assertion,  that  Great 
Britain  and  the  German  empire  during  the  Balkan  crisis 
of  the  last  few  years  had  always  met  on  the  same  platform 
for  the  preservation  of  peace.    The  late  secretary  of  state 


1 1 

VON  Kiderlen-Waechter,  his  successor,  Mr.  von  Jagow, 
and  the  Imperial  Chancellor  von  Bethmann  Hollweg  like- 
wise declared  repeatedly  in  the  Reichstag,  how  great  their 
satisfaction  was  that  a  close  and  confidential  diplomatic 
cooperation  with  Great  Britain,  especially  in  questions 
concerning  the  near  East,  had  become  a  fact.  And  it  has 
to  be  acknowledged  to-day  that  at  that  time  the  German 
and  British  interests  in  the  near  East  were  identical  or  at 
any  rate  ran  in  parallel  lines. 

The  collapse  of  European  Turkey  in  the  war  against 
the  Balkan  alliance  created  an  entirely  new  situation. 
At  first  Bulgaria  was  victorious  and  great,  then  it  was 
beaten  and  humiliated  by  the  others  with  the  intellectual 
help  of  Russia.  There  could  be  no  doubt  about  Russia's 
intentions:  she  was  preparing  for  the  total  subjection  of 
weakened  Turkey  and  for  taking  possession  of  the  Dar- 
danelles and  Constantinople  in  order  to  rule  from  this 
powerful  position  Turkey  and  the  other  Balkan  states. 
Great  Britain  and  the  German  empire  which  only  had 
economic  interests  in  Turkey,  were  bound  to  wish  to 
strengthen  Turkey  besides  trying  to  prevent  the  Mosco- 
vite  rule  on  the  whole  Balkan  peninsula. 

Servia  had  come  out  of  the  second  Balkan  war  greatly 
strengthened  and  with  her  territory  very  much  increased. 
Russia  had  done  everything  to  strengthen  this  bitter 
enemy  of  our  ally  Austria-Hungary.  For  a  great  number 
of  years  Servian  politicians  and  conspirators  had  planned 
to  undermine   the   south-eastern   provinces   of  Austria- 


12 

Hungary  and  to  separate  them  from  the  dual  monarchy. 
In  Servia  as  well  as  in  Russia  prevailed  the  opinion  that, 
at  the  first  attack,  Austria-Hungary  would  fall  to  pieces. 
In  this  case  Servia  was  to  receive  South  Austria  and 
Russia  was  to  dictate  the  peace  in  Vienna.  The  Balkan 
war  had  ruined  Turkey  almost  entirely,  had  paralized 
Bulgaria,  that  was  friendly,  and  had  strengthened  the 
Balkan  states  that  were  hostile  to  Austria.  At  the  same 
time  there  began  in  Roumania  a  Russian  and  French 
propaganda,  that  promised  this  country,  if  it  should 
join  the  dual  alliance,  the  Hungarian  province  of  Sieben- 
buergen. 

Thus  it  became  evident  in  Germany  and  in  Austria 
that  at  St.  Petersburg  first  by  diplomatic  and  political, 
then  also  by  military  action  a  comprehensive  attack  of 
Slavism  under  Russian  guidance  was  being  prepared. 
The  party  of  the  grand-dukes  in  St.  Petersburg,  the  party 
of  the  Russian  officers,  always  ready  for  war  and  the 
Panslavists,  the  brutal  and  unscrupulous  representatives 
of  the  idea,  that  the  Russian  czarism  was  destined  to  rule 
Europe, — all  these  declared  openly  that  their  aim  was 
the  destruction  of  Austria-Hungary.  In  Russia  the  army, 
already  of  an  immense  size,  was  increased  secretly  but 
comprehensively  and  as  quick  as  possible,  in  Servia  the 
same  was  done,  and  the  Russian  ambassador  in  Belgrad, 
Mr.  V.  Hartwig,  was,  after  the  second  Balkan  war,  the 
principal  promotor  of  the  plan  to  form  against  Austria 
a  new  Balkan  alliance.    In  Bosnia  during  all  this  time. 


13 

the  Servian  propaganda  was  at  work  with  high  treason, 
and  in  the  end  with  the  revolver  and  the  bomb. 

In  Vienna  and  in  Berlin,  the  greatness  and  the  purpose 
of  the  new  danger  could  not  remain  doubtful,  especially 
as  it  was  openly  said  in  St.  Petersburg,  in  Belgrad  and 
elsewhere  that  the  destruction  of  Austria-Hungary  was 
imminent.  As  soon  as  the  Balkan  troubles  began,  Austria- 
Hungary  had  been  obliged  to  put  a  large  part  of  her  army 
in  readiness  for  war,  because  the  Russians  and  Servians 
had  mobilised  on  their  frontiers.  The  Germans  felt  that 
what  was  a  danger  for  their  ally  was  also  a  danger  for 
them  and  that  they  must  do  all  in  their  power  to  main- 
tain Austria-Hungary  in  the  position  of  a  great  power. 
They  felt  that  this  could  only  be  done  by  keeping 
their  ally  perfect  faith  and  by  great  military  strength , 
so  that  Russia  might  possibly  be  deterred  from  war  and 
peace  be  preserved,  or  else,  that  in  case  war  was  forced 
upon  them,  they  could  wage  it  with  honor  and  success. 
Now  it  was  clear  in  Berlin  that  in  view  of  the  Russian 
and  Servian  preparations  Austria-Hungary  in  case  of  a 
war  would  be  obliged  to  use  a  great  part  of  her  forces 
against  Servia  and  therefore  would  have  to  send  against 
Russia  fewer  troops  than  would  have  been  possible  under 
the  conditions  formerly  prevailing  in  Europe.  Formerly 
even  European  Turkey  could  have  been  counted  upon 
for  assistance,  that  after  her  recent  defeat  seemed  very 
doubtful.  These  reasons  and  considerations  which  were 
solely  of  a  defensive  nature  led  to  the  great  German  mill- 


'4 

tary  bills  of  the  last  two  years.  Also  Austria-Hungary 

was  obliged  to  increase  its  defensive  strength. 

Whoever  considers  carefully  the  course  of  events  that 
has  been  briefly  sketched  here,  will  pronounce  the  asser- 
tion of  our  enemies  that  Germany  wanted  the  war,  ri- 
diculous and  absurd.  On  the  contrary,  it  can  be  said  that 
Germany  never  before  endeavoured  more  eagerly  to  pre- 
serve peace  than  during  the  last  few  years.  Germany  had 
plenty  of  opportunities  to  attack  and  good  opportunities 
to  boot,  for  we  knew  for  years  that  the  army  of  France 
was  no  more  ready  than  that  of  Russia.  But  the  Ger- 
mans are  not  a  warlike  nation  and  the  German  emperor, 
with  his  government,  has  always  shown  how  earnestly 
he  meant  his  re-iterated  assertions,  that  the  preservation 
of  peace  was  his  principal  aim.  He  was  actuated  in  this  by 
general  considerations  of  humanity,  justice  and  culture  as 
well  as  by  the  consideration  of  the  German  trade  and  com- 
merce. This,  especially  the  trans-oceanic  commerce  of  Ger- 
many, has  increased  from  year  to  year.  War,  however, 
means  the  ruin  of  commerce.  Why  expose  Germany  need- 
lessly to  this  terrible  risk,  especially  as  everything  in  Ger- 
many prospered  and  her  wealth  increased?  No,  the  German 
army-bills  were  merely  meant  to  protect  us  against,  and 
prepare  us  for,  the  attacks  of  Moscovite  barbarism.  But 
nobody  in  Germany  has  ever  doubted  for  a  moment  that 
France  would  attack  us  at  the  first  Russian  signal.  Since 
the  first  days  of  the  Franco-Russian  alliance  things  have 
become  entirely  reversed:  Then  France  wanted  to  win 


15 

Russia  for  a  war  of  revenge  against  Germany ;  now  on 
the  contrary  France  thought  herself  obliged  to  place  her 
power  and  her  existence  at  the  disposal  of  the  Russian 
lust  of  conquest. 

In  the  spring  of  1 9 1 4  the  German  press  reported  from 
St.  Petersburg  detailed  accounts  of  Russia's  comprehen- 
sive preparations  for  war.  They  were  not  denied  in  Russia, 
and  Paris  declared  that  Russia  would  be  ready  in  two  or 
three  years  and  then  pursue  a  policy  corresponding  to  her 
power;  France  too  would  then  be  at  the  height  of  her 
power.  If  the  German  government  had  desired  war,  on 
the  strength  of  these  accounts  which  were  true,  it  could 
have  waged  a  preventive  war  at  once  and  easily.  It  did 
not  do  so,  considering  that  a  war  is  just  only  when  it  is 
forced  upon  one  by  the  enemy.  Thus  spring  went  by  with 
the  atmosphere  at  high  tension.  From  St.  Petersburg  and 
Paris  over-bearing  threats  came  in  increasing  numbers  to 
the  effect  that  the  power  of  the  dual  alliance  was  now 
gigantic  and  that  Germany  and  Austria  soon  would  begin 
to  feel  it.  We  remained  quiet  and  watchful,  endeavoring 
with  perseverance  and  with  all  our  might  to  win  over 
Great  Britain  to  the  policy  of  preserving  peace.  Colonial 
and  economic  questions  were  being  discussed  by  the 
German  and  English  governments,  and  the  cordiality  be- 
tween the  two  great  powers  seemed  only  to  be  equalled 
by  their  mutual  confidence. 

Then  on  the  28th  of  June  occurred  that  frightful  assas- 
sination by  Servians  of  the  successor  to  the  Austro-Hun- 


i6 

garian  throne,  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand.  The  Greater- 
Servia  propaganda  of  action  had  put  aside  the  man  who 
was  especially  hated  in  Servia  as  the  powerful  exponent 
of  Austro-Hungarian  unity  and  strength.  This  murder  is 
the  real  cause  of  the  present  European  war.  Austria- 
Hungary  was  able  to  prove  to  a  shuddering  world  a  few 
days  after  the  murder,  that  it  had  been  prepared  and 
planned  systematically,  yea  that  the  Servian  government 
had  been  cognizant  of  the  plan.  The  immense  extent  of 
the  Servian  revolutionary  organization  in  the  provinces 
of  southern  Austria,  the  warlike  spirit  of  the  Servians 
and  its  instigation  by  Russia  and  France  imposed  upon 
the  Vienna  government  the  duty  to  insist  upon  quiet  and 
peace  within  and  without  its  borders.  It  addressed  to  the 
Servian  government  a  number  of  demands  which  aimed 
at  nothing  but  the  suppression  of  the  anti- Austrian 
propaganda.  Servia  was  on  the  point  of  accepting  the 
demand,  when  there  arrived  a  dispatch  from  St.  Peters- 
burg and  Servia  mobilised.  Then  Austria  too  had  to  act. 
Thus  arose  the  Austro-Servian  war.  But  a  few  days  later, 
the  Russian  army  was  being  mobilised,  and  the  mobilisa- 
tion was  begun  also  in  France.  At  the  same  time,  as 
the  German  White-book  clearly  proves,  the  diplomacy  of 
Russia  and  France  asserted  its  great  love  of  peace  and  tried 
to  prolong  the  negotiations  in  order  to  gain  time,  for,  as  is 
well  known,  the  Russian  mobilisation  proceeds  slowly. 
Germany  was  waiting,  and  again  and  again  the  German 
Emperor  tried  to  win  the  Czar  over  to  the  preservation  of 


17 

peace,  for  he  considered  him  sincere  and  thought  him  his 
personal  finend.  Emperor  William  was  to  be  cruelly 
disappointed.  He  finally  saw  himself  obliged  to  proclaim 
the  state  of  war  for  Germany.  But  at  that  time  the  Russian 
and  French  armies  were  already  in  a  state  of  complete 
mobilisation.  At  that  time  the  London  "Daily  Graphic*' 
wrote  the  following  article  which  shows  how  an  English 
paper  that  was  only  slightly  friendly  to  Germany,  judged 
of  the  situation  at  that  time : 

TJie  Mobilisation  Mystery, 

A  general  mobilisation  has  been  ordered  in  Russia,  and  Ger- 
many has  responded  by  proclaiming  martial  law  throughout  the 
Empire.  We  are  now  enabled  to  measure  exactly  the  naiTow  and 
slippery  ledge  which  still  stands  between  Europe  and  the  abyss  of 
Armageddon.  Will  the  Russian  order  be  acted  upon  in  the  provinces 
adjoining  the  German  frontier  ?  If  it  is,  then  the  work  of  the  peace- 
makers it  at  an  end,  for  Gennany  is  bound  to  reply  with  a  mobili- 
sation of  her  own  armed  forces,  and  a  rush  to  the  frontiers  on  all 
sides  must  ensue.  We  confess  that  we  are  unable  to  understand  the 
action  of  Russia  in  view  of  the  resumption  of  the  negotiations  with 
Austria.  It  is  not  likely  that  these  negotiations  have  been  resumed 
unless  both  sides  think  that  there  is  yet  a  chance  of  agreement, 
but  if  this  is  the  case,  why  the  mobilisation  which  goes  far  beyond 
the  limits  of  necessary  precaution,  and  is,  indeed,  calculated  to  defeat 
the  efforts  of  the  diplomatists,  however  promising  they  may  be? 
There  may,  of  course,  be  a  satisfactory  explanation,  but  as  the  matter 
stands  it  is  inexplicable,  and  is  all  the  more  regrettable  because  it 
is  calculated — we  feel  sure  unjustly — to  cast  doubts  on  the  loyalty 
and  straightforwardness  of  the  Russian  Government. 

When  Russia  had  let  pass  the  time-limit  set  by  Ger- 
many, when  France  had  answered  that  she  would  act 


i8 

according  to  her  own  interests,  then  the  German  Empire 
had  to  mobilise  its  army  and  go  ahead.  Before  one  German 
soldier  had  crossed  the  German  frontier,  a  large  number 
of  French  aeroplanes  came  flying  into  our  country  across 
the  neutral  territory  of  Belgium  and  Luxemburg  without 
a  word  of  warning  on  the  part  of  the  Belgian  government. 
At  the  same  time  the  German  government  learned  that  the 
French  were  about  to  enter  Belgium.  Then  our  government 
with  great  reluctance  had  to  decide  upon  requesting  the 
Belgian  government  to  allow  our  troops  to  march  through 
its  territory.  Belgium  was  to  be  indemnified  after  the  war, 
was  to  retain  its  sovereignty  and  integrity.  Belgium  pro- 
tested at  the  same  time  allowing,  by  an  agreement  with 
France,  that  the  French  troops  might  enter  Belgium.  After 
all  this  and  not  till  France  and  Belgium  itself  had  broken 
the  neutrality,  our  troops  entered  the  neutral  territory. 
Germany  wanted  nothing  from  Belgium,  but  had  to  prevent 
that  Belgian  soil  be  used  as  a  gate  of  entrance  into  German 
territory. 

Little  has  as  yet  been  said  of  Great  Britain.  It  was 
Germany's  conviction  that  the  sincerity  of  Britain's  love 
for  peace  could  be  trusted.  At  any  rate  Sir  Edward  Grey 
and  Mr.  Asquith  asserted  again  and  again  in  the  course 
of  the  last  few  years  that  England  wished  friendly  rela- 
tions with  Germany  and  never  would  lend  its  support  to 
a  Franco-Russian  attack  on  Germany.  Now  this  attack 
had  been  made;  Germany  was  on  the  defensive  against 
two  powerful  enemies.    What  would  Great  Britain  do 


19 

about  it?  That  was  the  question.  Great  Britain  asked  in 
return  for  its  neutrality  that  the  German  forces  should 
not  enter  Belgium.  In  other  words,  it  asked,  that  Ger- 
many should  allow  the  French  and  Belgian  troops  to  form 
on  Belgian  territory  for  a  march  against  our  frontier! 
This  we  could  not  allow.  It  would  have  been  suicidal. 
The  German  government  made  Great  Britain  in  return 
for  its  neutrality  the  following  oflfers :  we  would  not  attack 
the  northern  coast  of  France,  we  would  leave  unmolested 
the  maritime  commerce  of  France  and  would  indemnify 
Belgium  after  the  war  and  safeguard  its  sovereignty  and 
integrity.  In  spite  of  this  Great  Britain  declared  war  on 
Germany  and  sides  to-day  with  those  continental  powers  that 
have  united  for  our  destruction^,  in  order  that  Moscovite  bar- 
barism may  rule  Europe.  We  know  that  Germany  did  not 
deserve  such  treatment  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and 
do  not  believe  that  Great  Britain  by  this  action  did  a 
service  to  humanity  and  civilization. 

To-day  we  are  facing  hard  facts.  Germany  has  to  fight 
for  her  existence.  She  will  fight,  knowing  that  the  great 
powers  beyond  the  ocean  will  do  her  justice  as  soon  as 
they  know  the  truth. 


REICHSTAG  AND  EMPEROR. 

Kn^land,  France  and  Russia,  imthreatened  by  Germany, 
^o  to  war  for  political  reasons. — Germany  defends  her 
independence  and  fights  for  her  very  existence,  for  her 
future  as  a  great  power. — How  a  peaceful  people  were 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  war. 

I^HE  last  days  of  the  month  of  July  were  days  of 
-  anxiety  and  distress  for  the  German  people.  They 
hoped  that  they  would  be  permitted  to  preserve  an  honor- 
able peace.  A  few  months  earlier,  in  191 3,  when  the 
centennial  of  the  war  for  independence  from  French  op- 
pression and  the  25  th  anniversary  of  Emperor  William's 
ascent  of  the  throne  had  been  celebrated,  they  had  wil- 
lingly taken  upon  their  shoulders  the  great  sacrifice  of 
the  so-called  **  Wehrvorlage,"  which  increased  the  peace 
strength  of  the  standing  army  enormously  and  cost 
one  billion  marks.  They  considered  it  simply  as  an  in- 
crease of  their  peace  insurance  premium.  Our  diplomats 
worked  hard  for  the  maintenance  of  peace,  for  the  localiza- 
tion of  the  Austrio-Servian  war.  So  sure  were  the  leading 
men  of  the  Empire  of  the  preservation  of  general  peace 
that  at  the  beginning  of  the  week  which  was  to  bring 
general  mobilization  they  said  to  each  other  joyfully: 
Next  week  our  vacation  time  begins.  But  they  were  fear- 
fully disappointed.  Russia's  unexpected,  treacherous  mo- 


21 

bilization  compelled  Germany  to  draw  the  sword  also. 
On  the  evening  of  the  first  day  of  August  the  one  word, 
Mobilisation!  was  flashed  by  the  electric  spark  all  over 
the  country.  There  was  no  more  anxiety  and  uncertainty. 
Cool,  firm  resolution  at  once  permeated  the  entire  Ger- 
man folk.  The  Reichstag  was  called  together  for  an  extra 
session. 

Three  days  later,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  battles  of 
Weissenburg  and  Spichern,  the  representatives  of  the 
German  people  met.  This  session,  which  lasted  only  a 
few  hours,  proved  worthy  of  the  great  historical  moment 
marking  the  beginning  of  such  a  conflagration  as  the 
world  had  never  seen  before.  The  railroad  lines  were 
under  military  control  and  used  almost  exclusively  for 
purposes  of  mobilization.  In  spite  of  all  such  difficulties, 
more  than  300  of  the  397  deputies  managed  to  get  to 
Berlin  in  time.  The  rest  sent  word  that  they  were  unable 
to  come.  On  the  evening  of  August  3'^  the  Imperial  Chan- 
cellor called  the  leaders  of  all  parties,  including  the  Social- 
ists, to  his  house  and  explained  to  them  in  a  concise  and 
impressive  statement  how  frivolously  Germany  had  been 
driven  to  war.  At  the  time  of  this  meeting  the  unanim- 
ous acceptance  of  all  war  measures  by  the  Reichstag  was 
already  assured.  In  numerous  conferences  the  heads  of 
the  several  departments  explained  the  content  and  mean- 
ing of  the  bills  to  be  submitted  to  the  Reichstag.  The 
participants  of  the  conferences  showed  already  what  spirit 
would  characterize  the  next  day.     The  session  of  the 


22 

Reichstag  filled  the  entire  German  nation  with  pride  and 
enthusiasm  ;  the  Reichstag  maintained  the  dignity  of  the 
German  Empire  and  the  German  people. 

In  greater  numbers  than  ever  before  the  deputies,  high 
officers  of  the  army  and  navy  and  the  civil  government 
assembled  on  August  4th,  first  in  houses  of  worship  to 
pray  to  God,  and  then  in  the  royal  castle  of  Berlin.  The 
military  character  of  the  ceremony  at  the  opening  of  the 
session  showed  under  what  auspices  this  memorable  act 
took  place.  The  Kaiser  entered  the  hall  in  the  simple  gray 
field  uniform,  without  the  usual  pomp,  unaccompanied  by 
chamberlains  and  court  officials  and  pages  in  glittering 
court  dresses.  Only  state  ministers,  generals  and  admirals 
followed  him  to  the  throne,  from  where  he  read  his  speech, 
after  covering  his  head  with  his  helmet.  His  voice  be- 
trayed the  strain  under  which  he  was  laboring.  Re- 
peatedly he  was  interrupted  by  enthusiastic  applause,  and 
when  he  closed,  a  rousing  cheer  thundered  through  the 
famous  White  Hall,  something  that  had  never  before  oc- 
curred there  since  the  erection  of  the  old  castle.  Then 
came  a  surprise.  The  Emperor  laid  down  the  manuscript 
of  his  speech  and  continued  speaking.  From  now  on  he 
knew  only  Germans,  he  said,  no  differences  of  party,  creed, 
religion  or  social  position,  and  he  requested  the  party 
leaders  to  give  him  their  hands  as  a  pledge  that  they  all 
would  stand  by  him  "in  Not  und  Tod" — in  death  and 
distress.  This  scene  was  entirely  impromptu,  and  thus  so 
much  more  impressive  and  touching.  And  it  was  hardly 


23 

over,  when  the  Reichstag — an  unheard  of  preceeding  in 
such  surroundings— began  to  sing  the  German  national 
hymn:  **Heil  Dir  im  Siegerkranz."  The  magnificent  hall, 
until  then  only  the  scene  of  pompous  court  festivities, 
witnessed  an  outburst  of  patriotism  such  as  was  never 
seen  there  before.  To  the  accompaniment  of  loud  cheers 
the  Kaiser  walked  out,  after  shaking  the  hands  of  the 
Imperial  Chancellor  and  the  chief  of  the  General  Staff 

VON  MOLTKE. 

One  hour  later  the  Reichstag  met  in  its  own  house. 
The  Emperor  had  begged  for  quick  and  thorough  work. 
He  was  not  to  be  disappointed.  Without  any  formalities 
the  presiding  officers  of  the  last  session  were  reelected — 
in  times  of  peace  and  party  strife  this  would  have  been 
impossible.  This  short  curtain  raiser  being  over,  the  first 
act  of  the  drama  began.  Before  an  overcrowded  house 
the  Chancellor  described  simply  and  clearly  the  efforts 
of  the  government  for  the  preservation  of  peace.  He 
stated  cold  facts  showing  unmistakably  Russia's  double 
dealing  and  justifying  Germany's  beginning  of  a  war 
which  she  did  not  want.  The  Chancellor  had  begun  in  a 
quiet,  subdued  tone.  Then  he  raised  his  voice  and  when, 
in  words  that  rang  through  the  hall,  he  declared  that  the 
entire  nation  was  united,  the  deputies  and  the  spectators 
in  the  galleries  could  sit  still  no  longer.  They  rose, 
with  them  at  first  some  socialists,  then  all  of  them,  carried 
away  by  the  impulse  of  the  moment;  the  members  of  the 
federal  council,  of  the  press,  diplomats  and  the  crowds 


24 

in  the  galleries  joined  them.  The  whole  multitude 
cheered  and  clapped  its  hands  frantically.  It  reflected 
truly  the  spirit  of  the  whole  nation.  The  speaker  who, 
under  ordinary  circumstances,  would  have  supressed  the 
clapping  of  hands  as  unparliamentary  and  the  demon- 
strations of  the  galleries  as  undignified,  let  the  patriotic 
outburst  go  on  to  its  end. 

After  a  short  intermission  the  business  meeting  began, 
Sixteen  war  measures  had  been  introduced,  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  was  the  one  asking  for  five  billion  marks 
to  carry  on  the  war.  The  leader  of  the  social  democrats 
read  a  statement  explaining  why  his  party,  despite  its 
opposition  on  principle  to  all  anny  and  navy  appropria- 
tions, would  vote  for  the  proposed  bills.  Without  further 
debates  all  the  bills  were  passed,  and  shortly  after  5  P.M. 
the  Reichstag  adjourned.  At  7  P.  M.  the  Emperor  received 
the  presiding  officers  of  the  Reichstag  to  thank  them  for 
their  prompt  and  useful  work.  He  signed  the  bills,  which 
were  immediately  published  and  thus  became  laws. 

The  resolute  attitude  and  quick  work  of  the  Reichstag 
reflected  the  unity  and  resolution  of  the  entire  nation. 
Sixty  seven  millions  of  Germans  feel,  think  and  act  with 
their  elected  representatives.  No  party,  no  class,  no  creed 
is  standing  back ;  all  are  imbued  with  one  single  thought : 
United  Germany  is  unconquerable. 

The  entire  German  people  are  united  as  never  before 
in  their  historj\  Even  one  hundred  and  one  years  ago, 
in  1 8 1 3 ,  the  entire  population  cannot  have  been  so  uni- 


formly  seized  by  the  spirit  of  war  as  at  the  outbreak  of 
this  struggle,  which  is  the  people's  war  in  the  truest  sense 
of  the  word,  and  which  was  predicted  by  Bismarck. 
All  reigning  princes  are  going  out  to  fight  with  the  army 
and  have  appointed  their  wives  as  regents.  Instances  in- 
clude the  Kaiser's  son-in-law,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who 
appointed  his  consort,  the  only  daughter  of  the  Emperor, 
as  regent.  The  princes  call  their  people  to  arms,  and  they 
themselves  all  stand  ready  to  sacrifice  all  they  have.  This 
example  from  above  carries  the  nation  with  them.  The 
Reichstag  knew  parties  and  factions  no  more,  and  neither 
does  the  nation.  The  Emperor  sounded  the  word  which 
has  become  common  property  from  Konigsberg  to  Con- 
stance, from  Upper  Silesia  to  the  Belgian  frontier:  **I  know 
only  Germans!"  And  yet  how  terribly  is  our  nation  other- 
wise disrupted  by  party  strife.  Ill-advised  persons  across  our 
frontiers  hoped  that  creed  differences  would  make  for  dis- 
union, Frenchmen  and  Russians  expected  to  weaken  our 
empire  with  the  aid  of  Alsatians  and  Poles.  This  hope  has 
been  destroyed — we  are  a  united  people,  as  united  as  was 
the  Reichstag,  the  Socialists  included.  The  latter  have  for 
years  voted  against  all  army  and  navy  appropriations, 
have  advocated  international  peace,  and  last  year  voted 
against  the  bills  increasing  the  army  strength.  In  many 
foreign  quarters  strong  hopes  were  nourished  that  this 
party  would  help  them.  But  those  men  did  not  know 
our  German  people.  Our  civilization,  our  independence 
as  a  nation  was  threatened,  and  in  that  moment  party 


26 

interest  or  creed  existed  no  more.  The  true  German 
heait  is  beating  only  for  the  Fatherland,  east  and  west, 
north  and  south,  Protestants,  Catholics  and  Jews  are  "a 
united  people  of  brethren  in  the  hour  of  danger".  When 
Germany  was  so  threatened  by  Russia,  when  the  Geiman 
**Peace  Emperor"  was  shamefully  betrayed  by  the  Czar 
of  all  the  Russians,  then  there  was  but  one  sacred  party 
in  existence :   The  party  of  Germans 


THE  GERMAN  MOBILIZATION. 

The  clock-works  of  mobilization;  perfect  order  and  quiet 

everywhere.  General  acceptance  by  all  classes  and  factions 

of  the  necessities  of  a  war  not  sought  by  Germany. 

ri^HE  German  mobilization  was  the  greatest  movement 
1  of  people  that  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Nearly  four 
million  men  had  to  be  transported  from  every  part  of 
the  empire  to  her  borders.  The  manner  in  which  the 
population  is  distributed  made  this  task  extremely  diffi- 
cult. Berlin,  Rhenish -Westphalia,  Upper  Silesia  and 
Saxony  especially  had  to  send  their  contingents  in  every 
direction,  since  the  eastern  provinces  are  more  thinly 
settled  and  had  to  have  a  stronger  guard  for  the  borders 
immediately.  The  result  was  a  hurrying  to  and  fro  of 
thousands  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  soldiers,  besides 
a  flood  of  civilians  who  had  to  reach  their  homes  as  soon 
as  possible.  Countries  where  the  population  is  more  re- 
gularly distributed  have  an  easier  task  than  Germany, 
with  its  predominating  urban  population.  The  difficulties 
of  the  gigantic  undertaking  were  also  increased  by  the 
necessity  for  transporting  war  materials  of  every  sort.  In 
the  West  are  chiefly  industrial  undertakings,  in  the  East 
mainly  agricultural.  Horse-raising  is  mostly  confined  to 
the  provinces  on  the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic,  but  chiefly 


28 

to  Ea«t  Prussia,  and  this  province,  the  farthest  away  from 
France,  had  to  send  its  best  horses  to  the  western  border, 
as  did  also  Schleswig-Holst^in  and  Hanover.  Coal  for 
our  warships  had  to  go  in  the  other  direction.  From  the 
Rhenish  mines  it  went  to  the  North  Sea,  from  Upper 
Silesia  to  the  Baltic.  Ammunition  and  heavy  projectiles 
were  transported  from  the  central  part  of  the  empire  to 
the  borders.  And  everywhere  these  operations  had  to  be 
carried  on  with  haste.  One  can  thus  say  that  the  German 
mobilization  was  the  greatest  movement  of  men  and  ma- 
terials that  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

And  how  was  it  carried  on?  No  one  could  have  won- 
dered if  there  had  been  hundreds  of  unforeseen  incidents, 
if  military  trains  had  arrived  at  their  stations  with  great 
delays,  if  there  had  resulted  in  many  places  a  wild 
huggermugger  from  the  tremendous  problems  on  hand. 
But  there  was  not  a  trace  of  this.  On  the  Monday  eve- 
ning of  the  first  week  of  mobilization  a  high  officer  of 
the  General  Staff  said:  **It  had  to  go  well  to-day,  but  how 
about  to-morrow,  the  main  day?"  Tuesday  evening  saw 
no  reason  for  complaint,  no  delay,  no  requests  for  in- 
structions. All  had  moved  with  the  regularity  of  clock- 
work. Regiments  that  had  been  ordered  to  mobilize  in 
the  forenoon  left  in  the  evening  for  the  field,  fully 
equipped.  Not  a  man  was  lacking.  There  were  no  de- 
serters, no  shirkers,  no  cowards.  Instead,  there  were 
volunteers  whose  numbers  far  exceeded  the  number  that 
could  be  used.    Every  German  wanted  to  do  his  duty. 


29 

The  most  noteworthy  thing  was  the  earnest  quietness 
with  which  the  gigantic  gathering  proceeded.  Not  a 
city,  not  a  village  reported  unrest  or  even  an  untoward 
incident.  The  separation  was  hard  for  many  a  soldier. 
Many  a  volunteer  tore  himself  away  from  his  dear  ones 
with  bleeding  heart,  but  with  face  beaming  with  the 
light  of  one  who  looks  forward  to  victory.  Following 
the  Kaiser's  wish,  those  who  remained  behind  filled  the 
churches  and,  kneeling,  prayed  to  God  for  victory  for 
the  just  German  cause.  The  folk-war,  brought  on  by  the 
wantonness  of  the  opponents,  in  itself  brought  peace  and 
order,  safety  and  discipline.  Never,  probably,  have  the 
police  had  fewer  excesses  to  deal  with  than  in  the  days 
of  the  mobilization,  although  great  crowds  gathered  con- 
stantly in  every  city. 

The  best  criterion  of  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  is 
without  doubt  the  number  of  volunteers.  More  than  one 
million  of  these,  a  number  greater  than  that  of  the  stand- 
ing army,  presented  themselves  within  a  few  days.  They 
came  from  all  classes.  There  were  sons  of  the  nobility, 
university  students,  farmers,  merchants,  common  labor- 
ers. No  calling  hung  back.  Every  young  man  sorrowed 
when  he  was  rejected.  No  section  of  the  Fatherland  was 
unrepresented,  not  even  the  Reichsland  Alsace-Lorraine, 
where,  indeed,  the  number  of  volunteers  was  conspicu- 
ously great.  When  the  lists  in  various  cities  had  to  be 
closed,  the  young  men  who  had  not  been  accepted  turned 
away  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and  telegraphed  from  reg- 


30 

iment  to  regiment,  hoping  to  find  one  where  there  were 
still  vacancies.  Where  the  sons  of  the  wealthy  renounced 
the  pleasures  of  youth  and  the  comforts  of  their  homes 
to  accept  the  hardships  of  war  in  serving  the  Fatherland, 
the  poor  and  the  poorest  appeared  in  like  degree.  In 
families  having  four  or  five  sons  subject  to  military  duty, 
a  youngest  son,  not  yet  liable  for  service,  volunteered. 
The  year  1870,  truly  a  proud  year  in  our  history,  saw 
nothing  like  this. 

A  thing  that  raised  the  national  enthusiasm  still  higher 
was  the  appearance  of  the  troops  in  brand-new  uniforms, 
complete  from  head  to  foot.  The  first  sight  of  these  new 
uniforms  of  modest  field-gray,  faultlessly  made,  evoked 
everywhere  the  question:  Where  did  they  come  from? 
On  the  first  day  of  mobilization  dozens  of  cloth  manu- 
facturers appeared  at  the  war  ministry  with  offers  of  the 
new  material.  "We  don't  need  any,"'  was  the  astonishing 
reply.  Equal  amazement  was  caused  by  the  faultless  new 
boots  and  shoes  of  the  troops,  especially  in  view  of  the 
recentfamous**bootspeech"oftheFrench  Senator  Humbert. 

Small  arms,  cannons  and  ammunition  are  so  plentiful 
that  they  have  merely  to  be  unpacked.  In  view  of  all 
this,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  regiments  marching  in  were 
everywhere  greeted  with  jubilation,  and  that  those  march- 
ing out  took  leave  of  their  garrisons  with  joyful  songs. 
No  one  thinks  of  death  and  destruction,  every  one  of 
victory  and  a  happy  reunion.  German  discipline,  once  so 
slandered,  now  celebrates  its  triumph. 


31 

There  was  still  another  matter  in  which  the  troops 
gave  their  countrymen  cause  for  rejoicing.  No  tone  drunken 
man  was  seen  during  these  earnest  days  in  the  city  streets. 
The  General  Staff  had,  moreover,  wisely  ordered  that 
during  the  mobilization,  when  every  one  had  money  in 
his  pockets,  alcoholic  drinks  were  not  to  be  sold  at  the 
railroad  stations.  Despite  this,  the  soldiers  did  not  lack 
for  refreshments  on  their  journey.  Women  and  girls  offered 
their  services  to  the  Red  Cross  and  there  was  no  station 
where  coffee,  tea,  milk  and  substantial  food  were  not  at 
the  disposal  of  the  soldiers.  They  were  not  required  to 
suffer  hunger  or  any  other  discomfort.  The  German  anti- 
alcoholists  are  rejoicing  at  this  earnest  tribute  to  their 
principles,  which  were  at  first  laughed  at  and  then  pitied, 
but  triumphed  in  the  days  of  the  mobilization. 

The  army  is  increased  to  many  times  its  ordinarj^ 
strength  by  the  mobilization.  It  draws  from  everywhere 
millions  of  soldiers,  workmen,  horses,  wagons  and  other 
material.  The  entire  railway  service  is  at  its  disposal. 
The  mobilization  of  the  fleet  goes  on  more  quietly  and 
less  conspicuously,  but  not  less  orderly  and  smoothly. 
Indeed,  it  is,  even  in  peace  times,  practically  mobilized 
as  to  its  greatest  and  strongest  units.  For  this  reason  its 
transports  are  smaller  than  those  of  the  army,  they  are 
concentrated  in  a  few  harbors,  and  therefore  do  not 
attract  so  much  public  attention.  The  naval  transports, 
working  according  to  plans  in  connection  with  those  of 
the  army,  have  moved  their  quotas  of  men  and  materials 


32 

with  the  most  punctual  exactitude.  The  naval  reserve  of 
ftiUy  trained  officers  and  men  is  practically  inexhaustible. 
The  faithful  work  of  our  shipbuilding  concerns,  carried 
on  uninterruptedly  day  and  night  under  plans  carefully 
prepared  in  time  of  peace,  has  wrought  for  our  navy  a 
strong  increase  in  powerful  warships. 

As  is  known,  the  German  fleet  is  built  on  the  so-called 
**assumption-of-risk"  plan.  That  is,  it  is  intended  that  it 
shall  be  so  strong  that  even  the  strongest  sea  power,  in 
a  conflict  with  the  Germans,  risks  forfeiting  its  former 
role  as  a  world  factor.  This  "risk"  idea  has  been  ham- 
mered into  the  heart  of  every  Gennan  seaman,  and  they 
are  all  eager  to  win  for  the  fleet  such  glory  that  it  can 
be  favorably  contrasted  with  the  deeds  of  the  old  and 
the  new  armies. 

Contrary  to  general  expectation,  the  Gennan  fleet  has 
taken  the  offensive,  and  the  first  loss  of  the  war  was  on 
the  English  side  and  in  English  waters,  the  English  crui- 
ser Amphion  running  on  to  German  mines  in  the  mouth 
of  the  Thames.  In  the  Baltic  and  the  Mediterranean  also 
German  ships  have  taken  the  offensive  against  the  ene- 
mies' coast,  as  is  shown  by  the  bombardment  by  the  Ger- 
mans of  the  war  harbor  of  Libau  and  of  fortified  landing 
places  on  the  Algerian  coast. 

Thus  tlie  fleet,  confiding  in  the  **  risk  "  idea  now  proved 
to  be  true,  and  in  its  earnest  and  courageous  spirit,  may 
look  forward  with  confidence  to  coming  events. 


33 

But  will  not  civilians  have  to  hunger  and  thirst  in 
these  days?  That  is  an  earnest  question.  The  answer  is, 
No.  Even  in  Berlin,  city  of  millions,  the  milk  supply  did 
not  fail  for  a  day.  Infants  will  not  have  to  bear  the  priva- 
tions of  war.  All  provisions  are  to  be  had  at  reasonable 
prices.  Empire,  municipalities  and  merchants  are  working 
successfully  together  to  insure  that  there  shall  be  a  suf- 
ficient food  supply  at  not  too  great  a  cost.  Not  only  is  our 
great  army  mobilized,  but  the  whole  folk  is  mobilized, 
and  the  distribution  of  labor,  the  food  question  and  the 
care  of  the  sick  and  wounded  are  all  being  provided  for. 
The  whole  German  folk  has  become  a  gigantic  war  camp, 
all  are  mobilized  to  protect  Kaiser,  Folk  and  Fatherland, 
as  the  closing  report  of  the  Reichstag  put  it.  And  all 
Germany  pays  the  tribute  of  a  salute  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
army  and  navy,  who  work  with  deeds,  not  words. 


ARMY  AND  NAVY. 

The  German  Army  and  Navy  on  the  Watch.  Four  Million 

German  Men  in  the  Field.   Thousands  of  Volunteers  join 

the  Colors  to  fight  for  Germany's  Existence,  among  them 

the  Flower  of  her  Scientific  and  Artistic  Life. 

THERE  can  be  no  greater  contrast  than  that  between 
the  United  States  and  Germany  in  one  of  the  most 
important  questions  of  existence  with  which  a  state  is 
confronted.  In  its  whole  history  the  United  States  has 
never  had  a  foreign,  hostile  force  of  invaders  upon  its 
territory,  foreign  armies  have  never  laid  waste  its  fields. 
Until  late  in  the  last  century,  however,  Germany  was 
the  battlefield  for  the  then  most  powerful  nations  of  Eu- 
rope. The  numerous  German  states  and  provinces,  too, 
fought  among  themselves,  often  on  behalf  of  foreign 
powers.  The  European  great  powers  of  that  day  were 
able,  unhindered  and  unpunished,  to  take  for  themselves 
piece  after  piece  of  German  territory.  In  the  United  Sta- 
tes, on  the  other  hand,  it  was  years  before  the  steadily 
increasing  population  attained  to  the  boundaries  set  for 
it  by  nature. 

Our  Bismarck  was  finally  able,  in  the  years  from  1864 
to  1 8  7 1 ,  to  create  a  great  empire  from  the  many  small 
German  states.  As  he  himself  often  remarked,  however, 
this  was  possible  only  because  his  policies  and  diplomacy 


35 

rested  upon  and  were  supported  by  a  well  trained  and 
powerful  army.  How  the  German  Empire  came  into 
being  at  that  time  is  well  known.  A  war  was  necessary 
because  of  the  fact  that  the  then  so  powerful  France  did 
not  desire  that  North  and  South  Germany  should  unite. 
She  was  not  able  to  prevent  this  union,  was  defeated 
and  had  to  give  back  to  us  two  old  German  provinces 
which  she  had  stolen  from  the  Germans.  The  old  Field 
Marshal  von  Moltke  said  not  long  after  the  war  of  1 8  70- 7  i 
that  the  Germans  would  still  have  to  defend  Alsace- 
Lorraine  for  fifty  years  more.  Perhaps  he  little  realized 
how  prophetic  his  words  were,  but  he  and  those  who 
followed  him,  the  German  emperors  and  the  German  war 
ministers,  prepared  themselves  for  this  coming  defensive 
struggle  and  unremittingly  devoted  their  attention  to  the 
German  army. 

From  1887  on  there  had  been  no  doubt  that  in  the 
event  of  war  with  France  we  should  have  to  reckon  also 
with  Russia.  This  meant  that  the  army  must  be  strong 
enough  to  be  equal  to  the  coming  fight  on  two  borders — a 
tremendous  demand  upon  the  resources  of  a  land  when 
one  considers  that  a  peaceful  folk,  devoted  to  agriculture, 
industry  and  trade,  must  live  for  decades  in  the  constant 
expectation  of  being  obliged,  be  it  tomorrow,  be  it  in  ten 
years,  to  fight  for  its  life  against  its  two  great  military 
neighbors  simultaneously.  There  are,  moreover,  the  great 
money  expenditures,  and  also  the  burden  of  universal 
military  service,  which,  as  is  well  known,  requires  every 

3* 


36 

able-bodied  male  German  to  serve  a  number  of  years  with 
the  colors,  and  later  to  hold  himself  ready,  first  as  a  re- 
servist, then  as  member  of  the  Landwehr,  and  finally  as 
member  of  the  Landsturm,  to  spring  to  arms  at  the  call 
of  his  supreme  war  lord,  the  German  Emperor.  A  warlike, 
militant  nation  would  not  long  have  endured  such  condi- 
tions, but  would  have  compelled  a  war  and  carried  it  through 
swiftly.  As  Bismarck  said,  however,  the  German  army, 
since  it  is  an  army  of  the  folk  itself,  is  not  a  weapon 
for  frivolous  aggression.  Since  the  German  army,  when 
it  is  summoned  to  war,  represents  the  whole  German 
people,  and  since  the  whole  German  people  is  peaceably  dis- 
posed, it  follows  that  the  army  can  only  be  a  defensive  or- 
ganization. If  war  comes,  millions  of  Germans  must  go  to 
the  front,  must  leave  their  parents,  their  families,  their 
children.  They  must.  And  this  ''must"  means  not  only 
the  command  of  their  Emperor,  but  also  the  necessity  to 
defend  their  own  land.  Did  not  this  necessity  exist,  these 
sons,  husbands  and  fathers  would  assuredly  not  go  gladly 
to  the  battlefield,  and  it  is  likewise  certain  that  those 
who  stayed  at  home  would  not  rejoice  so  enthusiastically 
to  see  them  go  as  we  Germans  have  seen  them  rejoicing 
in  these  days.  Again,  then,  let  us  repeat  that  the  German 
army  is  a  weapon  which  can  be  and  is  used  only  for 
defense  against  foreign  aggressions.  When  these  aggres- 
sions come,  the  whole  German  folk  stands  with  its  army, 
as  it  does  now. 


37 

The  German  army  is  divided  into  25  corps  in  times  of 
peace.  In  war-times  reservists,  members  of  the  Landwehr, 
and  occasionally  also  of  the  Landsturm  are  called  to  the 
colors.  The  result  is  that  the  German  army  on  a  war 
footing  is  a  tremendously  powerful  organ. 

Our  opponents  in  foreign  countries  have  for  years  con- 
sistently endeavored  to  awaken  the  belief  that  the  Ger- 
man soldier  does  his  obligatory  service  very  unwillingly, 
that  he  does  not  get  enough  to  eat  and  is  badly  treated. 
These  assertions  are  false,  and  anybody  who  has  seen  in 
these  weeks  of  mobilization  how  our  soldiers,  reservists 
and  Landwehr  men  departed  for  the  field  or  reported  at 
the  garrisons,  anybody  who  has  seen  their  happy,  en- 
thusiastic and  fresh  faces,  knows  that  mishandled  men, 
men  who  have  been  drilled  as  machines,  cannot  present 
such  an  appearance. 

On  the  day  the  German  mobilization  was  ordered  we 
traveled  with  some  Americans  from  the  western  border 
to  Berlin.  These  Americans  said:  '*We  do  not  know 
much  about  your  army,  but  judging  by  what  we  have 
seen  in  these  days,  there  prevails  in  it  and  all  its  arrange- 
ments such  system  that  it  must  win.  System  must  win 
every  time."  In  this  saying  there  is,  indeed,  much  of 
truth — order  and  system  are  the  basis  upon  which  the 
mighty  organization  of  our  army  is  built. 

Now  a  word  concerning  the  German  officer.  He,  too, 
has  been  much  maligned,  he  is  often  misunderstood  by 
foreigners,  and  yet  we  believe  that  the  people  of  the 


38 

United  States  in  particular  must  be  able  to  understand  the 
German  officer.  One  of  the  greatest  sons  of  free  America, 
George  Washington,  gave  his  countrymen  the  advice  to 
select  only  gentlemen  as  officers,  and  it  is  according  to 
this  principle  that  the  officers  of  the  German  army  and 
navy  are  chosen.  Their  selection  is  made  moreover  upon 
a  democratic  basis,  in  that  the  officers'  corps  of  the  various 
regiments  decide  for  themselves  whether  they  will  or  will 
not  accept  as  a  comrade  the  person  whose  name  is  proposed 
to  them. 

One  sees  that  the  German  army  is  not,  as  many  say, 
a  tremendous  machine,  but  rather  a  great,  living  organism, 
which  draws  its  strength  and  lifeblood  from  all  classes 
of  the  whole  German  folk.  The  German  army  can  develop 
its  entire  strength  only  in  a  war  which  the  folk  approve, 
that  is,  when  a  defensive  war  has  been  forced  upon  them. 
That  this  is  true,  will  have  been  realized  by  our  friends 
in  the  United  States  before  this  comes  into  their  hands. 

The  German  fleet  is  in  like  manner  a  weapon  of  defense. 
It  was  very  small  up  to  the  end  of  the  last  century,  but 
has  since  then  been  consistently  built  up  according  to 
the  ground  principles  which  Mr.  Roosevelt  has  so  often 
in  his  powerful  manner  laid  down  for  the  American  fleet. 
The  question  has  often  been  asked,  what  is  there  for  the 
German  fleet  to  defend,  since  the  German  coastline  is  so 
short?  The  answer  is  that  the  strength  of  a  fleet  must  not 
be  made  to  depend  upon  the  length  of  coastlines,  but  upon 
how  many  ships  and  how  much  merchandise  go  out  from 


39 

and  enter  the  harbors,  how  great  over-sea  interests  there 
are,  how  large  the  colonies  are  and  how  they  are  situated, 
and  finally,  how  strong  the  sea  powers  are  with  which  Ger- 
many may  have  to  carry  on  a  war  and  how  they  are  situated. 
To  meet  all  these  requirements  there  is  but  one  remedy, 
namely,  either  that  our  fleet  shall  be  strong  enough  to 
prevent  the  strongest  sea  power  from  conducting  war 
against  us,  or  that,  if  war  does  come,  it  shall  be  able  so 
to  battle  against  the  mightiest  opponent  that  the  latter 
shall  be  seriously  weakened. 

Germany,  as  especially  the  Americans  know,  has  be- 
come a  great  merchant  marine  nation,  whose  colonies 
are  flourishing.  Furthermore,  since  the  land's  growing 
population  has  greatly  increased  its  strength  in  the  course 
of  the  last  years,  the  mistrust  and  jealousy  of  Great  Brit- 
ain have  in  particular  been  directed  steadily  against  the 
development  of  our  ocean  commerce,  and  later  of  our 
navy.  To  the  upbuilding  of  the  German  navy  were  as- 
cribed all  manner  of  plans — to  attack  Great  Britain,  to 
make  war  on  Japan,  etc.  It  was  even  declared  by  the 
English  press  that  Germany  intended  to  attack  the  United 
States  as  soon  as  its  fleet  was  strong  enough.  To-day, 
when  Great  Britain  has  needlessy  declared  war  upon  us, 
the  Americans  will  perhaps  believe  that  our  fleet  was 
never  planned  or  built  for  an  attack  on  any  one.  Germany 
desired  simply  to  protect  its  coasts  and  its  marine  in- 
terests in  the  same  manner  in  which  it  protects  its  land 
boundaries.  It  is  realized  in  the  United  States  as  well  as 


40 

here  that  a  fleet  can  be  powerful  only  when  it  has  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  vessels  of  all  classes,  and  when  it  is 
thoroughly  and  unremittingly  schooled  in  times  of  peace. 
We  have  tried  to  attain  this  ideal  in  Germany,  and  it 
may  be  remarked  that  the  training  of  the  personnel  re- 
quires greater  efforts  here,  since  the  principle  of  universal 
service  is  also  applied  to  the  fleet,  with  a  resulting  short 
term  of  service,  whereas  all  foreign  fleets  have  a  long 
term  of  enlistment. 

The  nominal  strength  of  the  German  fleet  is  regulated 
by  statute,  as  is  also  the  term — twenty  years — at  the 
expiration  of  which  old  vessels  must  automatically  be 
replaced  by  new  ones.  This  fleet-strength  is  set  at 
41  line-of-battle  ships,  20  armored  cruisers  and  40  small 
cruisers,  besides  144  torpedoboats  and  72  submarine 
vessels.  These  figures,  however,  have  not  been  reached. 
To  offset  this  fact,  however,  almost  the  whole  German 
fleet  has  been  kept  together  in  home  waters.  Great 
Britain's  fleet  is  much  stronger  than  ours,  but  despite  this, 
the  German  fleet  faces  its  great  opponent  with  coolness 
and  assurance  and  with  that  courage  and  readiness  to 
undertake  great  deeds  that  mark  those  who  know  that 
their  land  has  been  unjustifiably  attacked.  It  is  utterly 
incorrect  to  say,  as  has  been  said,  that  the  German  naval 
officers  are  filled  with  hatred  for  other  navies,  especially 
for  the  British.  On  the  contrary,  the  relations  between 
German  and  English  officers  and  men  have  always  been 
good,  almost  as  good  as  those  of  the  Germans  with  the 


41 

American  officers.  It  is  not  personal  hatred  that  inspires 
our  officers  and  men  with  the  lust  for  battle,  but  their 
indignation  over  the  unprovoked  attack  and  the  realiza- 
tion that,  if  every  one  will  do  his  best  for  the  Fatherland 
in  this  great  hour,  it  will  not  be  in  vain  even  against 
the  greatest  naval  power.  We,  too,  are  confident  of  this, 
for  strenuous  and  faithful  effort  always  has  its  reward,  and 
this  is  especially  true  of  our  fleet  organization.  The 
United  States  realizes  this  as  well  as  we,  for  it,  too,  has 
built  up  a  strong  and  admirably  trained  fleet  by  pro- 
digious labor.  As  is  the  case  with  the  German  fleet,  the 
American  navy  also  is  not  built  for  aggression,  but  for 
defense. 


NEUTRALITY  BY  THE  GRACE  OF  ENGLAND. 

JANUS,  a  mighty  god  of  the  ancient  Romans,  was  re- 
presented as  having  two  faces.  He  could  smile  and 
frown  simultaneously. 

This  god  Janus  is  the  personification  of  Neutrality  ac- 
cording to  English  ideas.  Neutrality  smiles  when  violated 
by  England  and  frowns  when  violated  by  other  Powers. 

The  United  States  got  a  taste  of  England's  neutrality 
when,  a  century  ago,  the  English  impressed  thousands  of 
American  sailors,  taking  them  from  American  ships  on 
the  high  seas,  when  they  searched  neutral  ships  and  con- 
fiscated the  enemy's  property  on  board  of  them,  until  Con- 
gress in  Washington  voted  for  the  declaration  of  war 
against  England. 

In  the  great  Civil  War,  1861  to  1864,  England  had 
counted  on  the  victory  of  the  Southern  States ;  she  re- 
cognized them  as  belligerents  and  supplied  them  with 
war-ships.  This  was  not  considered  by  England  a  breach 
of  neutrality  until  the  minister  of  the  United  States 
declared  on  Sept.  5th.  1863  that  unless  England  de- 
sisted, war  would  result.  England  yielded. 

But,  according  to  the  old  German  proverb:  "A  cat 
cannot  resist  catching  mice,"  she  secretly  permitted  the 
fitting  out  of  privateers  (the  **  Alabama")  for  the  Southern 
States  and  was  finally  forced  to  pay  an  indemnity  of 


43 

$  15,000,000.  England  gained,  however,  more  than  she 
lost  by  this  interpretation  of  neutrality,  for  by  the  aid 
of  her  privateers  American  maritime  trade  passed  into 
English  hands  and  was  lost  to  the  Americans. 

May  God's  vengeance  fall  on  Germany !  She  has  violated 
Belgium's  neutrality!  the  English  piously  ejaculate.  They 
call  themselves  God's  chosen  people,  the  instrument  of 
Providence  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  universe.  They 
look  down  upon  all  other  peoples  with  open,  or  silent 
contempt,  and  claim  for  themselves  various  prerogatives, 
in  particular  the  supremacy  of  the  sea,  even  in  American 
waters,  from  Jamaica  to  Halifax. 

England's  policy  has  always  been  to  take  all,  to  give  back 
nothing,  to  constantly  demand  more,  to  begrudge  others 
every  thing.  Only  where  the  New  World  is  concerned, 
has  England,  conscious  of  her  own  weakness,  become  less 
grasping,  since  Benjamin  Franklin  "wrested  the  scepter 
from  the  Tyrants,"  since  the  small  colonies  that  fought 
so  valiantly  for  their  liberty  rose  to  form  the  greatest 
dominion  of  the  white  race. 

In  the  summer  of  1 9 1 1 ,  during  the  Franco-German 
Morocco  dispute,  the  English  were  determined  to  assist 
their  old  enemies  the  French  against  Germany,  and  sta- 
tioned 160,000  troops  along  their  coast,  ready  for  em- 
barkation. For  the  French  coast?  No  indeed!  For  trans- 
portation to  Antwerp,  where  the  English  were  to  unite 
with  the  French  army  and  combine  in  the  destruction  of 
the  German  forces.  But  things  did  not  reach  that  stage. 


44 

England  was  not  ready.  England  and  France  were  resol- 
ved not  to  respect  the  neutrality  of  Belgium, — the  same 
England  that  solemnly  assures  the  world  that  she  has 
never  at  any  time  or  place  committed  a  breach  of  neu- 
trality. England  has  observed  neutrality  only  when  com- 
patible with  her  own  interests,  which  has  not  often  been 
the  case.  Her  whole  dissimulating  policy  is  much  more 
questionable  than  our  one  breach  of  neutrality,  commit- 
ted in  self-defence  and  accompanied  by  the  most  solemn 
promises  of  indemnity  and  restitution. 

England  and  France  did  not  give  up  their  plan  of  at- 
tacking Germany  through  Belgium,  and  by  this  means 
won  the  approval  of  the  Muscovites.  Three  against  one ! 
It  would  have  been  a  crime  against  the  German  people  if 
the  German  General  Staff  had  not  anticipated  this  inten- 
tion. The  inalienable  right  of  self-defence  gives  the  in- 
dividual, whose  very  existence  its  at  stake,  the  moral  liberty 
to  resort  to  weapons  which  would  be  forbidden  except  in 
times  of  peril.  As  Belgium  would,  nevertheless,  not  ac- 
quiesce in  a  friendly  neutrality  which  would  permit  the 
unobstructed  passage  of  German  troops  through  small 
portions  of  her  territory,  although  her  integrity  was  gua- 
ranteed, the  German  General  Staff  was  obliged  to  force 
this  passage  in  order  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  meeting 
the  enemy  on  the  most  unfavorable  ground. 

The  Germans  have  not  forgotten  the  tone  in  which 
the  French  and  Belgian  press  reported  the  frequent  ex- 
cursions of  French  Staff  officers  and  Generals  for  the  pur- 


45 

pose  of  making  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  territory  through 
which  the  armies  are  now  moving,  and  who  were  received 
with  open  arms  in  Belgium  and  treated  like  brothers. 
Belgium  has  become  the  vassal  of  France. 

In  our  place  the  Government  of  the  United  States  would 
not  have  acted  differently.  ''Inter  arma  silent  leges" — in 
the  midst  of  arms  the  laws  are  silent — .  Besides,  England 
had  interfered  beforehand  in  Germany's  plan  of  compaign 
by  declaring  that  she  would  not  tolerate  an  attack  upon 
the  northern  coast  of  France. 

The  German  troops,  with  their  iron  discipline,  will  re- 
spect the  personal  liberty  and  property  of  the  individual 
in  Belgium,  just  as  they  did  in  France  in  1870. 

The  Belgians  would  have  been  wise  if  they  had  per- 
mitted the  passage  of  the  German  troops.  They  would 
have  preserved  their  integrity,  and  besides  that,  would 
have  fared  well  from  the  business  point  of  view,  for 
the  army  would  have  proved  a  good  customer  and  paid 
cash. 

Germany  has  always  been  a  good  and  just  neighbor,  to 
Belgium  as  well  as  to  the  other  small  Powers  such  as  Hol- 
land, Denmark  and  Switzerland,  which  England  in  her 
place  would  have  swallowed  up  one  and  all  long  ago. 

The  development  of  industry  on  the  lower  Rhine  has 
added  to  the  prosperity  of  Belgium  and  has  made  Antwerp 
one  of  the  first  ports  on  the  continent,  as  well  as  one 
of  the  most  important  centres  of  exchange  for  German- 
American  trade. 


46 

Without  Germany  Belgium  could  never  have  acquired 
the  Congo. 

When  England  meditated  taking  possession  of  the 
Congo,  claiming  that  great  rivers  are  nothing  but  arms 
of  the  sea  and  consequently  belong  to  the  supreme 
maritime  power,  King  Leopold  turned  to  Germany  for 
protection  and  received  it  from  Bismarck,  who  called  the 
Congo  Conference  of  1884/5  ^^^  obtained  the  recognition 
by  the  Powers  of  the  independence  of  the  Congo  State. 

The  struggle  of  the  German  States  in  Europe  has  some 
points  in  common  with  the  struggle  of  the  Independent 
States  of  North  America  (from  1778  to  1783),  for  it  is 
directed  chiefly  against  England's  scheming  guardianship, 
and  her  practice  of  weakening  the  continental  Powers  by 
sowing  or  fostering  dissension  among  them. 

While  continually  protesting  her  love  of  peace,  Eng- 
land has  carried  on  no  fewer  than  forty  wars  during  the 
latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  including  the  great 
Boer  war.  She  has  long  imperilled,  and  in  the  end  has 
succeeded  in  disturbing,  the  peace  of  Europe  by  her  in- 
vidious policy  of  isolating  Germany.  Germany,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  proved  herself  since  1 8  7 1  to  be  the  strong- 
est and  most  reliable  security  for  the  peace  of  Europe. 

The  policy  of  sowing  dissension,  practiced  by  England 
more  industriously  than  ever  in  recent  years,  cannot  possi- 
bly meet  with  the  approval  of  the  peace-loving  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  and  should  be  condemned  on  merely 
humanitarian  as  well  as  commercial  grounds. 


47 

England  aims  at  being  mistress  of  the  Old  World  in 
order  to  occupy  either  an  equal,  or  a  menacing,  position 
towards  the  New  World,  as  circumstances  may  dictate. 
For  this  purpose  she  has  encouraged  this  war.  The  Ger- 
man Federated  States  of  Europe  are  defending  themselves 
with  might  and  main,  and  are  counting  in  this  struggle 
for  existence  on  the  goodwill  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  for  whose  citizens  they  cherish  the  friendliest 
feelings,  as  they  have  proved  at  all  times.  All  Americans 
who  have  visited  Germany  will  surely  bear  witness  to 
that  effect. 


THE  ATTITUDE  OF  GERMANY'S  ENEMIES. 

Germany  overrun  by  Spies  for  years  past. 

IT  goes  without  saying  that  in  time  of  war  the  respect- 
ive participants  seek  to  gain  for  themselves  every 
possible  advantage,  including,  as  not  the  least  of  these 
advantages,  that  of  having  public  opinion  on  their  side. 
It  is  equally  understandable  that  governments,  for  political 
or  military  reasons,  often  endeavor  to  conceal  their  real 
intentions  until  the  decisive  moment.  In  this  matter, 
however,  as  in  the  conduct  of  war  itself,  there  exists  the 
basic  principle,  acknowledged  throughout  the  civilized 
world,  that  no  methods  may  be  employed  which  could 
not  be  employed  by  men  of  honor  even  when  they  are 
opponents.  One  cannot,  unfortunately,  acquit  Russia  of 
the  charge  of  employing  improper  policies  against  Ger- 
many. It  must,  unfortunately,  be  said  that  even  the  Czar 
himself  did  not,  at  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  against 
Oermany,  show  himself  the  gentleman  upon  a  throne 
which  he  had  formerly  been  believed  by  every  one  to  be. 
The  Russian  Emperor  addressed  himself  to  Kaiser 
William  in  moving  and  friendly  expressions,  in  which, 
pledging  his  solemn  word  and  appealing  to  the  grace  of 
God,  he  besought  the  Kaiser,  shortly  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  war,  to  intervene  at  Vienna.  There  exists  between 


49 
Austria-Hungary  and  Germany  an  ancient  and  firm  alli- 
ance, which  makes  it  the  duty  of  both  governments  to 
afford  unconditional  support  to  each  other  in  the  moment 
that  either  one's  vital  interests  come  into  question.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  existence  of  Austria-Hungary 
is  threatened  by  the  Servian  agitation.  Despite  this,  the 
German  Emperor,  in  offering  his  final  counsels  respecting 
the  treatment  of  Servia  and  the  concessions  to  be  made 
to  Russia,  went,  in  his  desire  for  peace,  almost  to  the  point 
where  Austria  could  have  had  doubts  of  Germany's  fidelity 
to  the  obligations  of  the  alliance.  Nevertheless,  Russia  at 
this  very  time  not  only  continued  its  mobilization  against 
Austria,  but  also  simultaneously  brought  its  troops  into 
a  state  of  preparedness  for  war  against  Germany.  It  is 
impossible  that  this  could  have  been  done  without  the 
order  of  the  Czar.  The  conduct  of  the  Russian  minister 
of  foreign  affairs,  of  the  chief  of  the  general  staff  and  of 
the  war  minister  was  of  a  piece  with  this  attitude  of  the 
ruler.  They  assured  the  German  ambassador  and  the 
German  military  attache  upon  their  word  of  honor  that 
troops  were  not  being  mobilized  against  Germany  and 
that  no  attack  upon  Germany  was  planned.  The  facts, 
however,  have  proved  that  the  decision  to  make  war  upon 
Germany  had  already  been  reached  at  that  time. 

The  reason  which  impelled  the  Czar  and  his  chief  ad- 
visers to  employ  such  base  tactics  with  the  help  of  their 
word  of  honor  and  appeals  to  the  Supreme  Being  is  plain. 
Russia  requires  a  longer  time  for  mobilization  than  Ger- 

4 


so 

many.  In  order  to  offset  this  advantage,  to  deceive  Ger- 
many and  to  win  a  few  days'  start,  the  Russian  govern- 
ment stooped  to  a  course  of  conduct  as  to  which  there 
can  be  but  one  judgment  among  brave  and  upright 
opponents.  No  one  knew  better  than  the  Czar  the  German 
Emperor's  love  of  peace.  This  love  of  peace  was  reckoned 
upon  in  the  whole  despicable  game.  Fortunately  the 
plan  was  perceived  on  the  German  side  at  the  right 
time.  Advices  received  by  Germany's  representative  in 
St.  Petersburg  concerning  the  actual  Russian  mobilization 
against  Germany  moved  him  to  add  to  the  report  given 
him  upon  the  Russian  word  of  honor  a  statement  of  his 
own  conviction  that  an  attempt  was  obviously  being  made 
to  deceive  him.  We  find  also  that  the  character  of  the 
Russian  operations  had  been  rightly  comprehended  by  so 
unimpeachable  an  organ  as  the  English  "Daily  Graphic" 
of  August  ist,  which  said:  **If  the  mobilization  order  is 
alsocarried  through  in theprovincesborderingon Germany, 
the  work  of  the  preservers  of  peace  is  ended,  for  Germany 
will  be  compelled  to  answer  with  the  mobilization  of  her 
armed  forces.  We  confess  that  we  are  unable  to  under- 
stand this  attitude  of  Russia  in  connection  with  the  renewal 
of  the  negotiations  with  Austria." 

It  is  customary  among  civilized  nations  that  a  formal 
declaration  of  war  shall  precede  the  beginning  of  hosti- 
lities, and  all  powers,  with  the  exception  of  some  un- 
important, scattered  states,  have  obligated  themselves 
under  international  law  to  observe  this  custom.  Neither 


51 

Russia  nor  France  has  observed  this  obligation.  Without 
a  declaration  of  war  Russian  troops  crossed  the  German 
border,  opened  fire  on  Germans  troops  and  attempted  to 
dynamite  bridges  and  buildings.  In  like  manner,  without 
a  declaration  of  war,  French  aviators  appeared  above 
unfortified  cities  in  South  Germany  and  sought,  by  throw- 
ing bombs,  to  destroy  the  railways.  French  detach- 
ments crossed  the  German  border  and  occupied  German 
villages.  French  aviators  flew  across  neutral  Holland 
and  the  then  neutral  Belgium  to  carry  out  warlike  plans 
against  the  lower  Rhine  district  of  Germany.  A  con- 
siderable number  of  French  officers,  disguised  in  German 
uniforms,  tried  to  cross  the  Dutch-German  frontier  in  an 
automobile  in  order  to  destroy  institutions  in  German 
territory.  It  is  plain  that  both  France  and  Russia  desired 
to  compel  Germany  to  make  the  first  step  in  declaring 
war,  so  that  the  appearance  of  having  broken  the  peace 
might,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  rest  upon  Germany. 
The  Russian  government  even  attempted  to  disseminate 
through  a  foreign  news  agency  the  report  that  Germany 
had  declared  war  on  Russia,  and  it  refused,  contrary  to 
the  usage  among  civilized  nations,  to  permit  to  be  tele- 
graphed the  report  of  the  German  ambassador  that  Russia 
had  rejected  the  final  German  note  concerning  war  and 
peace. 

Germany  for  its  part,  in  the  hope  that  peace  might  yet 
be  maintained,  subjected  itself  to  the  great  disadvantage 
of  delaying  its  mobilization  in  the  first  decisive  days  in 


52 

the  face  of  the  measures  of  its  probable  enemy.  When, 
however,  the  German  Emperor  realized  that  peace  was 
no  longer  possible,  he  declared  war  against  France  and 
Russia  honorably,  before  the  beginning  of  hostilities,  thus 
bringing  into  contrast  the  moral  courage  to  assume  the 
responsibility  for  the  beginning  of  the  conflict  as  against 
the  moral  cowardice  of  both  opponents,  whose  fear  of 
public  opinion  was  such  that  they  did  not  dare  openly 
to  admit  their  intentions  to  attack  Germany. 

Germany,  moreover,  cared  in  a  humane  and  proper 
manner  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  for  those  non-combat- 
ant subjects  of  hostile  states — traveling  salesmen,  travel- 
ers for  pleasure,  patients  in  health  resorts,  etc. — who 
happened  to  be  in  the  country  at  the  time.  In  isolated 
cases,  where  the  excitement  of  the  public  grew  disquiet- 
ing, the  authorities  immediately  intervened  to  protect 
persons  menaced.  In  Russia,  however,  in  France  and 
especially  in  Belgium  the  opposite  of  decency  and  hu- 
manity prevailed.  Instead  of  referring  feelings  of  national 
antipathy  and  of  national  conflicting  interests  to  the 
decision  of  the  battlefield,  the  French  mishandled  in  the 
most  brutal  manner  the  German  population  and  German 
travelers  in  Paris  and  other  cities,  who  neither  could  nor 
wished  to  defend  themselves,  and  who  desired  solely  to 
leave  the  hostile  country  at  once.  The  mob  threatened 
and  mishandled  Germans  in  the  streets,  in  the  railway 
stations  and  in  the  trains,  and  the  authorities  permitted  it. 


53 

The  occurrences  in  Belgium  are  infamous  beyond  all 
description.  Germany  would  have  exposed  itself  to  the 
danger  of  a  military  defeat  if  it  had  still  respected  the 
neutrality  of  Belgium  after  it  had  been  announced  that 
strong  French  detachments  stood  ready  to  march  through 
that  country  against  the  advancing  German  army.  The 
Belgium  government  was  assured  that  its  interests  would 
be  conscientiously  guarded  if  it  would  permit  the  German 
army  to  march  through  its  territory.  Its  answer  to  this 
assurance  was  a  declaration  of  war.  In  making  this  de- 
claration it  acted  perhaps  not  wisely,  but  unquestionably 
within  its  formal  rights.  It  was,  howewer,  not  right,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  a  disgraceful  breach  of  right,  that  the 
eyes  of  wounded  German  soldiers  in  Belgium  were  gouged 
out,  and  their  ears  and  noses  cut  off;  that  surgeons  and 
persons  carrying  the  wounded  were  shot  at  from  houses. 

Private  dwellings  of  Germans  in  Antwerp  were  plun- 
dered, German  women  were  dragged  naked  through  the 
streets  by  the  mob  and  shot  to  death  before  the  eyes  of 
the  police  and  the  militia.  Captains  of  captured  German 
ships  in  Antwerp  were  told  that  the  authorities  could  not 
guarantee  their  lives.  German  tourists  were  robbed  of 
their  baggage,  insulted  and  mishandled,  sick  persons 
were  driven  from  the  German  hospital,  children  were 
thrown  from  the  windows  of  German  homes  into  the 
streets  and  their  limbs  were  broken.  Trustworthy  reports 
of  all  these  occurrences,  from  respectable  and  responsible 
men,  are  at  hand.    We  perceive  with  the  deepest  in- 


54 

dignation  that  the  cruelties  of  the  Congo  have  been 
outdone  by  the  motherland.  When  it  comes  to  pass 
that  in  time  of  war  among  nations  the  laws  of  hu- 
manity respecting  the  helpless  and  the  unarmed,  the 
women  and  children,  are  no  longer  observed,  the  world 
is  reverting  to  barbarism.  Even  in  wartimes  humanity 
and  honor  should  still  remain  the  distinguishing  marks 
of  civilization.  That  French  and  Russians,  in  their  endeav- 
ors to  spy  upon  Germany  and  destroy  her  institutions, 
should  disguise  themselves  in  German  uniforms  is  a  sorry 
testimony  to  the  sense  of  honor  possessed  by  our  oppon- 
ents. He  who  ventures  to  conduct  espionage  in  a  hostile 
land,  or  secretly  to  plant  bombs,  realizes  that  he  risks 
the  penalty  of  death,  whether  he  be  a  civilian  or  a  mem- 
ber of  the  army.  Up  to  the  present,  however,  it  has  not 
been  customary  to  use  a  uniform,  which  should  be  re- 
spected even  by  the  enemy,  to  lessen  the  personal  risk 
of  the  spy  and  to  facilitate  his  undertaking. 

For  a  number  of  years  there  have  been  increasing  in- 
dications that  France,  Russia  and  England  were  system- 
atically spying  upon  the  military  institutions  of  Germany. 
In  the  eight  years  from  1 906  to  1 9 1 3 ,  113  persons  were 
found  guilty  of  attempted  or  accomplished  espionage  of 
a  grave  nature.  The  methods  employed  by  these  spies 
included  theft,  attacks  upon  military  posts  and  the 
employment  of  German  officers'  uniforms  as  dis- 
guises. The  court  proceedings  threw  a  clear  light  upon 
the  organization  and  operations  of  espionage  in  Germany. 


55 

This  espionage  was  directed  from  central  points  in  foreign 
countries,  often  in  the  small  neighboring  neutral  states. 
Repeatedly  it  appeared  that  the  foreign  embassies  and 
consulates  in  Germany  assisted  in  this  work;  it  was  also 
discovered  that  Russia,  France  and  England  were  ex- 
changing reports  which  they  had  received  concerning 
Germany's  means  of  defense. 

This  espionage  system  was  supported  with  large  funds. 
It  endeavored  whenever  possible  to  seduce  military  per- 
sons and  officials  to  betray  their  country,  and,  when 
this  was  not  possible,  it  devoted  its  attention  to  doubtful 
characters  of  every  sort.  It  began  its  work  with  petty 
requests  of  a  harmless  appearance,  followed  these  with 
inducements  to  violations  of  duty,  and  then  proceeded 
with  threats  of  exposure  to  compel  its  victims  to  be- 
tray their  country  further.  Exact  instructions,  complete 
in  the  minutest  detail,  were  given  to  the  spies  for  the 
carrying  on  of  their  work;  they  were  equipped  with 
photographic  apparatus,  with  skeleton  keys,  forged 
passes,  etc. ;  they  received  fixed  monthly  salaries,  special 
bonuses  for  valuable  information,  and  high  rewards 
for  especially  secret  matters,  such  as  army  orders,  de- 
scriptions of  weapons  and  plans  of  fortifications.  Prin- 
cipal attention  was  paid  to  our  boundaries,  railroads, 
bridges  and  important  buildings  on  lines  of  traffic,  which 
were  spied  upon  by  specially  trained  men.  With  the 
reports  of  these  spies  as  their  basis,  our  opponents  have 
carefully  planned  the  destruction  of  the  important  German 


56 

lines  of  communication.  The  extraordinary  watchfulness 
of  the  German  military  officials  immediately  before  the 
declaration  of  war  and  since  then  has  been  able  to  render 
futile  the  whole  system  of  foreign  attempts  against  our 
means  of  communication  in  every  single  instance,  but  a 
great  number  of  such  attempts  have  been  made.  All  these 
things  prove  beyond  doubt  that  a  war  against  Germany 
has  long  been  planned  by  our  opponents. 


LIES  ABOUT  GERMANY. 

The  Machinations  of  England  and  France  to  put  Ger- 
many in  the  Wrong.   Lies  on  all  Sides. 

GERMANY  has  now  not  only  to  battle  against  a 
world  in  arms,  but  it  must  also  defend  itself  against 
lies  and  slanders  which  have  been  piled  up  around  it  like 
a  hostile  rampart.  There  is  no  cable  at  our  disposal. 
England  has  either  cut  the  cables,  or  is  in  possession 
of  them.  No  German  description  of  what  has  actually 
occurred  can  be  sent  by  telegraph;  the  wires  are  carry- 
ing into  the  world  only  the  distortions  of  our  enemies. 
Germany  is  shut  off  as  with  a  hedge  from  the  outside 
world,  and  the  world  is  supplied  solely  with  news  given 
out  by  our  enemies.  This  language  is  strictly  true;  for 
the  boldest,  nay,  the  most  impudent  imagination  would 
be  unable  to  invent  anything  to  exceed  the  false  and 
absurd  reports  already  printed  by  foreign  newspapers. 
In  view  of  what  we  have  experienced  during  this  first 
week  of  the  war  we  can  already  calmly  assert  that  when 
the  editors  of  foreign  newspapers  come  later  to  compare 
their  daily  news  of  this  week  with  the  actual  occurrences 
as  testified  to  by  authentic  history,  they  will  all  open 
their  eyes  in  astonishment  and  anger  over  all  the  lies 
which  the  countries  hostile  to  Germany  have  sent  over 


58 

the  cables  to  bamboozle  the  whole  world.  Much  of  all 
this  has  already  become  ridiculous ;  we  must  laugh  over  it 
despite  the  solemnity  of  the  crisis  in  which  we  are  living, 
— for  example,  the  bestowal  of  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of 
Honor  upon  the  city  of  Liege  by  the  French  President 
because  it  victoriously  repulsed  the  attack  of  the  Germans. 
Witness,  too,  the  telegrams  of  congratulation  sent  by  the 
King  of  England  and  the  Czar  of  Russia  to  the  Belgian 
King  upon  the  victory  of  Liege !  The  joy  over  such  "German 
defeats"  will  prove  just  as  brief  as  the  jubilation  over  such 
**Belgian  victories".  Such  lies  have  short  legs,  and  the 
truth  will  in  any  case  soon  overtake  them. 

But  there  are  other  lies  of  a  more  serious  character  and 
of  more  dangerous  import, — all  such  as  misrepresent  Ger- 
many's attitude  and  defame  German  character.  Such  de- 
famation is  designed  to  disturb  old  friendships  and  trans- 
form them  into  bitter  estrangement ;  such  defamation  can 
also  attain  its  hostile  purpose  wherever  people  do  not 
say  daily  to  themselves:  ''it  is  an  enemy  that  reports  such 
things  about  Germany ;  let  us  be  wise  and  suspend  our 
judgment  till  we  know  actual  results,  till  we  know  what 
is  surely  the  truth." 

Let  us  select  several  facts  as  examples  and  as  evidence 
— facts  connected  with  the  preparation  for  this  war,  as 
well  as  with  the  conduct  of  it  thus  far. 

All  the  cables  controlled  by  the  English-French-Russian 
coalition  disseminate  the  lie  about  the  ostensibly  ''pre- 
ventive war"  that  Germany  wished  and  prepared  for. 


59 

The  German  "White  Book"  prints  documents  proving 
the  white  purity  of  the  German  conscience  as  represented 
by  Kaiser,  Chancellor,  and  people.  It  reveals  also  the 
profound  grief  of  the  German  Kaiser  over  the  sly  and  in- 
sidious perfidy  of  the  Czar,  toward  whom  he  steadily 
maintained  German  fidelity  even  in  hours  of  grave  danger. 
What  Russia  did  was  more  than  a  mere  attack,  it  was  a 
treacherous  assault.  The  following  facts  prove  this :  The 
German  mobilization  was  ordered  on  August  i,  whereas 
Russia  began  to  mobilize  fully  four  weeks  earlier,  or 
about  the  beginning  of  July.  Papers  found  on  several 
Russian  harvest-laborers  arrested  in  the  district  of  Konitz 
show  that  the  Russian  military  authorities  had  already 
by  the  first  of  July — i.  e.,  immediately  after  the  tragedy 
at  Sarayevo — sent  to  the  leaders  of  these  men  mustering- 
in  orders,  which  were  to  be  distributed  immediately  after 
a  further  word  should  be  given.  These  confiscated  papers 
prove  that  Russia  hoped  to  be  able  to  mobilize  against 
Austria  before  Germany  could  get  official  information  of 
Russia's  measures.  The  Russian  authorities  purposely 
avoided  the  usual  course  of  sending  these  orders  through 
the  Russian  consuls,  and  they  assigned  "military  exer- 
cises" as  the  object  of  this  call  to  the  colors. 

July  2  5  :  Military  exercises  at  Krasnoye-Selo  were  sud- 
denly broken  off,  and  the  troops  returned  at  once  to  their 
garrisons.  The  manoeuvres  had  been  called  off.  The  mil- 
itary cadets  were  advanced  at  once  to  officers,  instead 
of  waiting,  as  usual,  till  autumn. 


6o 

July  26:  All  ships  and  boats  are  forbidden  to  sail  in 
the  waters  between  Helsingfors  and  Yorkkele;  and  navi- 
gation between  Sweden  and  Finland  is  closed. 

July  28:  Partial  mobilization;  16  army  corps  to  be 
increased  to  the  strength  of  3  2  corps.  On  the  same  day 
the  Czar  begs  for  friendly  mediation;  and  on  the  same 
day  the  Russian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  the 
Russian  Minister  of  War  give  the  German  military  attache, 
upon  their  own  initiative,  their  solemn  word  of  honor 
that  no  mobilization  has  taken  place. 

July  30:  The  second  and  third  Russian  cavalry  di- 
visions appear  on  the  German  frontier  between  Wirballen 
and  Augustov.  The  Czar  issues  a  ukase  calling  to  the  co- 
lors the  reserves  in  2  3  entire  governments  and  in  80  dis- 
tricts of  other  governments;  also  the  naval  reserves  in 
64  districts,  or  12  Russian  and  one  Finnish  government; 
also  the  Cossacks  on  furlough  in  a  number  of  districts ; 
also  the  necessary  reserve  officers,  physicians,  horses, 
and  wagons. 

Juli  3  I :  General  mobilization  of  the  whole  Russian 
army  and  navy. — The  German  steamer  "EitelFriedrich", 
which  keeps  up  a  regular  service  between  Stettin  and 
St.  Petersburg,  is  stopped  by  a  Russian  torpedo  boat  and 
brought  into  Reval,  where  the  crew  were  made  pri- 
soners.— The  Russians  blow  up  the  railway  bridge  on 
Austrian  territory  between  Szozakowa  and  Granica. 

Night  of  August  I :  Russian  patrols  attack  the  German 
railway  bridge  near  Eichenried  and  try  to  surprise  the 


/ 


6i 

German  railway  station,  at  Miloslaw.  A  Russian  column 
crosses  the  German  frontier  at  Schwidden,  and  two 
squadrons  of  Cossacks  ride  against  Johannisburg. 

August  I :  (at  last)  Germany's  mobilization. 

And  France? 

July  27:   The  Fourteenth  Army  Corps  breaks  off  its 
manoeuvres. 

July  3 1 :  General  mobilization. 

August  2  :  French  troops  attack  German  frontier  posts, 
cross  the  frontier,  and  occupy  German  towns. — Bomb- 
throwing  aviators  come  into  Baden  and  Bavaria;  also, 
after  violating  Belgium's  neutrality  by  crossing  Belgian 
territory,  they  enter  the  Rhine  Province  and  try  to  destroy 
bridges. 

Only  after  all  this  is  the  German  Ambassador  at  Paris 
instructed  to  demand  his  passports. 
And  England? 

In  London  war  must  already  have  been  decided  upon 
by  July  3 1 ;  the  English  Admiralty  had  even  before  that 
■date  advised  Lloyd's  against  insuring  German  ships.  On 
the  same  day  the  German  Government  gave  emphatic 
support  in  Vienna  to  the  English  mediatory  proposal  of 
Sir  Edward  Grey.  But  the  entire  English  fleet  had  al- 
ready been  assembled. 

Of  course,  English  public  opinion  was  and  still  is  di- 
vided. As  late  as  August  i  the  Daily  Graphic  wrote  in 
reference  to  the  Russian  mobilization  order:  '*Will  the 
Russian  order  also  be  carried  out  in  the  provinces  on 


62 

the  German  frontier?  If  so,  then  the  labor  of  the  peace- 
preservers  is  at  an  end,  for  Germany  is  compelled  to 
answer  with  the  mobilization  of  its  armed  forces.  We 
confess  that  we  are  not  able  to  understand  this  attitude 
of  Russia,  in  view  of  the  resumption  of  negotiations  at 
Vienna". 

And  a  leaflet  distributed  in  the  streets  of  London  said 
that  "a  war  for  Russia  is  a  war  against  civilization". 

So  much  as  to  the  preparations  for  the  war, — and  now 
we  take  up  the  conduct  of  the  war  itself. 

By  glancing  at  the  foreign  press  during  this  one  week 
we  have  been  able  to  collect  the  following  specimen  pieces 
of  news : 

London : — The  British  Admiralty  reports  that  the  Eng- 
lish fleet  had  driven  back  the  German  fleet  to  the  Dutch 
coast. 

There  is  not  one  word  of  truth  in  this.  The  Admi- 
ralty itself  appears  later  to  have  recovered  its  senses; 
at  least,  it  denied  a  Renter  story  about  a  ''great  English 
naval  victory  near  the  Dogger  Bank."  But  the  English 
manufacturies  of  lies  are  already  so  actively  at  work  that 
members  of  Parliament  have  protested  in  the  House 
itself  against  the  "lying  reports  of  the  English  press." 

Paris: — From  Paris  the  assertion  was  made  and  dis- 
seminated throughout  the  world  that  "the  landing  of 
English  troops  in  Belgium  has  begun;  they  were  en- 
thusiastically received  by  the  population.  The  landing 
proceeded  rapidly  and  in  the  best  order,  as  the  agree- 


63 

ment  between  the  two  General  Staffs  guaranteed  the  per- 
fect carrying-out  of  the  disembarkment  plans." 

Not  a  single  word  of  this  is  true.  At  present  not  one 
English  soldier  has  been  landed. 

In  a  similar  way  the  Baltic  Sea  has  become  the  scene 
of  invented  "battles" — of '* German  defeats,"  of  course: 
the  Russian  Baltic  Fleet  sank  a  German  war  vessel  in  a 
battle  that  never  occurred. 

And:  "The  Russian  vanguard  has  crossed  the  German 
frontier  without  meeting  with  opposition".  As  a  matter 
of  fact  there  is  not  a  single  Russian  soldier  on  German 
soil.  All  inroads  have  been  repulsed,  and  the  German 
offensive  has  everywhere  been  successful. 

A  Dutch  newspaper  prints  the  following  report  from 
France : 

^^Belfort: — Many  hundreds  of  Alsatians  are  joining  the 
French  army  with  great  enthusiasm,  also  many  Italian 
Swiss.  A  large  number  of  Alsace-Lorrainers  are  waiting 
near  the  frontier  with  a  view  of  crossing  it  at  a  favorable 
opportunity  to  fight  on  the  French  side." 

Such  absurdity  in  the  face  of  the  unbroken  unanimity 
of  the  entire  German  people  and  despite  the  manifest 
enthusiasm  of  the  Alsace-Lorrainers  for  the  German  cause ! 

Equally  stupid  and  made  up  for  incurably  credulous 
readers  is  an  official  report  of  the  French  War  Ministry, 
— not  a  private  rumor,  be  it  noted,  but  an  official  com- 
munication. It  says:  "A  young  Frenchman  reports  under 
oath  that  he  was  arrested,  along  with  several  other  French- 


64 

men,  at  the  railway  station  in  Lorrach  while  on  the  home- 
ward journey  from  Baden;  and  they  were  led  through 
the  whole  city  under  a  military  escort.  One  of  the  French- 
men shouted  *  Hurrah  for  France',  and  was  at  once  shot 
down.  Three  others  who  protested  against  this  suffered 
the  same  fate;  and  so  did  a  fifth  man  who  thereupon 
had  called  the  Germans  murderers.  The  rest  of  the  French- 
men, proceeding  to  Switzerland  by  rail,  heard  shots  fired 
in  the  adjoining  compartment;  they  discovered  that  two 
Italians  had  been  shot  by  Germans  because  one  had  pro- 
tested against  the  opening  of  the  window,  and  another 
had  jostled  a  German." 

Does  such  stuff  call  for  any  refutation  at  all? 

A  typical  example  of  how  it  is  sought  to  work  upon 
public  opinion  by  means  of  systematic  lying  is  afforded 
by  the  capture  of  Liege. 

The  fact  is  that  this  Belgian  stronghold,  along  with  its 
forts,  which  contained  a  garrison  of  20,000  men,  was 
taken  by  storm  on  August  7  by  the  German  troops,  who 
fought  with  unparalleled  bravery,  and  that  3-4,000  Bel- 
gian prisoners  of  war  are  already  on  their  way  to  Germany. 

Yet  on  August  9 — two  days  after  the  fall  of  Liege — a 
dispatch  was  still  sent  to  the  Dutch  press,  saying:  "The 
Liege  forts  are  still  in  Belgian  hands." 

And  on  August  8 — 36  hours  after  the  fall  of  Liege — a 
dispatch  was  sent  from  Paris  to  the  newspapers  of  Rome, 
saying :  ' '  The  Germans  lost  2  0,000  men  at  Liege  and  asked 
for  an  armistice  of  24  hours.  Liege  has  not  yet  fallen.  The 


65 

English  landed  100,000  men  at  Antwerp,  who  were  re- 
ceived with  jubilation  by  the  population.  President  Poin- 
CARE,  upon  the  proposal  of  Doumergue,  the  Minister  of 
War,  conferred  on  the  city  of  Liege  the  cross  of  the 
Legion  of  Honor." 

Another  newspaper  reported  as  follows :  The  King  of 
England  sent  a  congratulatory  dispatch  to  the  King  of 
Belgium  upon  his  victory  at  Liege;  seven  German  re- 
giments were  slain. 

At  Paris  itself  a  note  of  the  French  War  Ministry — 
published  on  the  evening  of  August  7,  Liege  having  fallen 
in  the  early  morning  of  that  day — mentions  the  resistance 
of  Liege  and  says  that  the  forts  are  still  holding  out ;  that 
the  Germans  who  had  entered  the  city  on  Thursday  by 
passing  between  the  forts,  had  evacuated  it  on  Friday; 
and  that  the  Belgian  division  that  went  to  the  assistance 
of  the  city  had  therefore  not  even  made  an  attack.  The 
official  note  concludes  from  all  this  that  the  resistance  of 
the  Belgians  was  seriously  disturbing  the  plan  of  the 
Germans,  who  were  building  hopes  upon  a  rapid  success. 

And  four  full  days  after  the  capture  of  Liege  the  French 
Minister  at  Berne  reported  officially:  "Liege  has  not  yet 
been  taken ;  the  German  troops  were  repulsed." 

At  Copenhagen  the  following  dispatches  were  pub- 
lished: The  English  and  French  troops  had  effected  a 
junction  with  the  Belgian  army  and  had  entered  Liege 
and  made  many  German  prisoners,  among  them  a  nephew 
of  the  German  Kaiser. 

5 


66 

Similarly  at  Stockholm:  The  Germans  had  suffered  a 
severe  repulse. 

Again  a  dispatch  from  Paris  to  Rome :  The  Germans  had 
been  driven  back  behind  the  Moselle  and  were  begging 
for  an  armistice ;  the  French  had  passed  Namur  and  were 
pressing  forward  in  forced  marches,  while  500,000  Eng- 
lish were  falling  upon  the  German  flank. 

Still  another  official  report  from  Paris:  Liege  is  be- 
coming the  grave  of  the  1 50,000  Germans  who  are  break- 
ing their  heads  against  its  walls ;  the  Belgians  had  taken 
3,000  prisoners,  who  were  in  a  terrible  condition;  but 
for  their  good  fortune  of  falling  into  captivity  they  would 
have  starved  to  death. 

In  contrast  to  all  this  let  us  take  the  unvarnished  truth  as 
in  there  ported  simple  words  of  the  German  Quartermaster 
General :  "We  are  now  able  to  report  upon  Liege  with- 
out doing  any  harm.  .  .  .  We  had  only  a  weak  force  at 
Liege  four  days  ago,  for  it  is  not  possible  to  prepare  for 
such  a  bold  undertaking  by  collecting  large  masses  of 
men.  That  we  attained  the  desired  end  in  spite  of  this 
is  due  to  the  excellent  preparation,  the  valor  of  our  troops, 
their  energetic  leadership,  and  the  help  of  God.  The 
courage  of  the  enemy  was  broken,  and  his  troops  fought 
badly.  The  difficulties  against  us  lay  in  the  exceedingly 
unfavorable  topography  of  the  surroundings,  which  con- 
sisted of  hills  and  woods,  and  in  the  treacherous  participa- 
tion of  the  entire  population  in  the  fighting,  not  even  ex- 
cluding women.  The  people  fired  upon  our  troops  from 


67 

ambush,  from  villages  and  forests — fired  upon  our  physi- 
cians who  were  treating  the  wounded,  and  upon  the 
wounded  themselves.  Hard  and  bitter  fighting  occurred; 
whole  villages  had  to  be  destroyed  in  order  to  break  the 
resistance,  before  our  brave  troops  penetrated  the  girdle 
of  forts  and  took  possession  of  the  city.  It  is  true  that 
a  part  of  the  forts  still  held  out,  but  they  no  longer 
fired.  The  Kaiser  did  not  want  to  waste  a  drop  of 
blood  in  storming  the  forts,  which  no  longer  hindered 
the  carrying  out  of  our  plans.  We  were  able  to  await  the 
arrival  of  heavy  artillery  to  level  the  forts  one  after  the 
other  at  our  leisure,  and  without  the  sacrifice  of  a  single 
life — in  case  their  garrisons  should  not  surrender  sooner. 
....  So  far  as  can  be  judged  at  present  the  Belgians  had 
more  men  for  the  defense  of  the  city  than  we  had  for 
storming  it.  Every  expert  can  measure  from  this  fact  the 
greatness  of  our  achievement ;  it  is  without  a  parallel 

(Signed)  von  Stein 
Quartermaster  General." 

It  is  not  the  German  people  alone  that  will  have  cause 
to  remember  Liege ;  the  whole  world  will  do  well  to  learn 
from  the  case  of  Liege  that  an  organized  manufactory 
of  lies  is  trying  to  deceive  the  public  opinion  of  all  the 
nations.  Glorious  victories  are  converted  into  "defeats 
with  heavy  losses,"  and  the  strong  moral  discipline  of 
the  German  troops  is  slanderously  described  in  the  re- 
s'^ 


68 

ports  of  the  imaginative,  phrase-loving  French  as  cruelty 
— ^just  as,  in  1870,  the  Prussian  Uhlans  were  described 
as  thrusting  through  with  their  lances  all  the  French 
babies  and  pinning  them  fast  to  the  walls. 

How  far  the  "grande  nation"  has  already  degenerated, 
and  how  far  the  Belgian  population,  akin  to  the  French 
both  in  blood  and  in  sentiments,  imitate  the  French  in 
their  Balkan  brutality,  is  illustrated  by  two  examples. 
One  of  these,  in  the  form  of  a  German  official  warning, 
says :  '^The  reports  at  hand  about  the  fighting  around  Liege 
show  that  the  population  of  the  country  took  part  in  the 
battle.  Our  troops  were  fired  upon  from  ambush.  Physicians 
were  shot  at  while  following  their  profession.  Cruelties 
were  practiced  by  the  population  on  wounded  soldiers. 
There  is  also  news  at  hand  showing  that  German  patrols 
in  the  vicinity  of  Metz  were  fired  at  from  ambush  from  the 
French  side.  It  may  be  that  these  occurrences  are  due 
to  the  composition  of  the  population  in  those  industrial 
regions,  but  it  may  also  be  that  France  und  Belgium  are 
preparing  for  a  guerilla  warfare  upon  our  troops.  If  the 
latter  alternative  should  prove  true,  and  this  proof  be 
strengthened  through  repetitions  of  these  occurrences, 
then  our  opponents  will  have  themselves  to  thank  if  this 
war  be  carried  on  with  unrelenting  severity  even  against 
the  guilty  population.  The  German  troops,  who  are 
accustomed  to  preserve  discipline  and  to  wage  war  only 
against  the  armed  forces  of  the  hostile  state,  cannot 
be  blamed  if,  in  just  self-defense,  they  give  no  quarter. 


69 

The  hope  of  influencing  the  result  of  the  war  by  turning 
loose  the  passions  of  the  populace  will  be  frustrated  by 
the  unshaken  energy  of  our  leaders  und  our  troops. 
Before  neutral  foreign  countries,  however,  it  must  be 
demonstrated,  even  at  the  beginning  of  this  war,  that  it 
was  not  the  German  troops  who  caused  the  war  to  take 
on  such  forms". 

The  details  of  the  cruelties,  here  only  hinted  at,  on 
the  Belgian  and  French  side,  are  supplied  and  proved  by 
an  eye-witness,  a  German  physician,  who  reports:  "We 
have  experienced  from  the  Belgian  population,  from  men, 
women,  and  half-grown  boys,  such  things  as  we  had 
hitherto  seen  only  in  wars  with  negroes.  The  Belgian 
civilian  population  shoots  in  blind  hatred  from  every  house, 
from  every  thick  bush,  at  everything  that  is  German.  We 
had  on  the  very  first  day  many  dead  and  wounded,  caused 
by  the  civilian  population.  Women  take  part  as  well  as 
men.  One  German  had  his  throat  cut  at  night  while  in  bed. 
Five  wounded  Germans  were  put  into  a  house  bearing 
the  flag  of  the  Red-cross ;  by  the  next  morning  they  had 
all  been  stabbed  to  death.  In  a  village  near  Verviers  we 
found  the  body  of  one  of  our  soldiers  with  his  hands 
bound  behind  his  back  and  his  eyes  punched  out.  An 
automobile  column  which  set  out  from  Liege  halted  in 
a  village;  a  young  woman  came  up,  suddenly  drew  a 
revolver,  and  shot  a  chauffeur  dead. — At  Emmenich,  an 
hour  by  foot  from  Aachen,  a  sanitary  automobile  column 
was  attacked  by  the  populace  on  a  large  scale  and  fired 


70 

at  from  the  houses. — The  Red-cross  on  our  sleeves  and  on 
our  automobiles  gives  us  physicians  no  protection  at  all". 
Enemies  on  all  sides!  With  dishonorable  weapons 
against  us,  and  with  documentary  lies  for  the  rest  of  the 
world!  Let  us  calmly  allow  them  to  continue  lying  and 
slandering  as  they  have  begun — it  will  result  finally  in 
injuring  themselves.  The  world  will  very  soon  see  through 
this  impudent,  unabashed  game;  and  it  will  finally  side 
with  the  people  which  keeps  to  the  truth.  Only  the 
weakling  lies  and  swindles;  the  strong  man  loves  and 
honors  truth.  Let  us  act  like  the  strong  man  in  this 
struggle ! 


GERMANY  AND  THE  FOREIGNER. 

Respect  for  the  foreigner.  Russians  willing  to  remain  in  Ger- 
many. Ill-treatment  of  Germans  in  Belgium  and  France 

RESPECT  for  the  foreigner,  protection  for  his  person 
and  property  have  at  all  times  been  considered  sa- 
cred among  civilised  people.  Germany  can  without  exagge- 
ration claim  to  have  upheld  this  respect  and  this  protection 
in  these  fateful  days.  Except  for  a  few  insignificant  inci- 
dents which  took  place  in  several  large  cities,  where  the 
natural  excitement  of  the  people  and  the  legitimate  de- 
fence against  an  insolent  system  of  spying  led  to  the 
molesting  and  arrest  of  foreigners — mostly  Russians — , 
the  measures  taken  against  the  citizens  of  hostile  nations 
did  not  exceed  what  was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  safety 
of  the  country.  The  imperial  government  and  likewise 
the  federate  states  have  refrained  from  expelling  **en 
masse"  Frenchmen,  Russians,  Belgians  and  Englishmen. 
It  was,  of  course,  unavoidable  to  take  measures  for  the 
detention  of  such  persons  as  seemed  suspicious  and  for 
the  internation  of  strangers  liable  to  be  called  to  take  arms 
against  Germany.  This  took  place  in  cities,  e.g.  Berlin, 
where  these  men  were  taken  away  as  "prisoners  of  war", 
as  soon  as  the  "state  of  war"  had  been  proclaimed  and 
placed  in  special  rooms  or  camps.  Lodgings  and  food  are 
such  as  seem  requisite  and  the  treatment  of  these  prisoners 


72 

is  according  to  their  own  opinion  very  kind.  The  Russian 
agricultural  labourers  constitute  a  special  group  of  foreign- 
ers in  Germany:  There  are  about  40 — 50,000  of  them, 
men  and  women. 

From  various  parts  of  the  country,  it  is  unanimously 
announced  that  these  people  are  very  glad  not  to  be 
obliged  to  return  to  Russia.  They  are  glad  to  remain  in 
Germany,  and  willingly  continue  their  work  of  gathering 
the  rich  German  grain,  potatoe  and  hay  crops.  Should  there 
be  any  difficulties,  these  workmen  would  also  have  to  be 
internated.  No  measures  at  all  have  been  taken  against 
women  and  children  belonging  to  hostile  states.  They 
are  left  free  to  move  about  as  they  wish.  Should  they 
remain  in  Germany  they  can  be  sure  that  they  will  be 
subject  to  no  other  inconvenience  except  such  as  the 
general  state  of  war  inflicts  upon  Germans.  The  autho- 
rities will  protect  their  persons,  and  their  private  property 
is  respected.  Nobody  will  touch  it — as  nobody  has  tou- 
ched it  so  far. 

If  the  German  people  and  the  German  government  con- 
sider the  respect  they  owe  the  foreigner  as  a  sacred  law, 
even  though  the  foreigner  belongs  to  the  enemy,  this  re- 
spect is  enhanced  by  affection  and  gratitude  in  the  case 
of  foreigners,  whose  countries  are  friendly  or  neutral. 
Thousands  and  thousands  of  Americans,  Swiss,  Dutch, 
Italians  and  Scandinavians  are  still  living  in  German  coun- 
tries. They  may  be  sure  that  they  can  live  as  freely  here 
^s  any  German  citizen.  Should  it  be  possible  for  them  to 


73 
return  home,  the  best  wishes  will  accompany  them.  The 
property  they  leave  here  will  be  protected.  This  is  guar- 
anteed by  the  authorities  and  by  influential  private  per- 
sons. Should  they  stay  in  Germany,  however,  the  Ger- 
man people  will  express  their  sense  of  gratitude  for  any 
friendly  help  they  may  lend,  by  increased  respect  and  pro- 
tection. 

«  *  * 

A  strong  constrast  is  noticeable  between  Germany's 
attitude  towards  foreigners  and  the  facts  revealed  just 
now  as  to  the  treatment  meted  out  in  inimical  countries  not 
only  to  Germans  but  to  other  foreigners.  Truly,  in  Eng- 
land, there  has  been  some  effort  to  act  according  to  the 
usages  of  civilised  nations,  when  engaged  in  warfare. 
Germans  and  Austrians  have  been  insulted  and  molested; 
there  has  been  some  occasional  destruction  of  property 
in  stores  ;  but  as  far  as  can  be  judged,  these  were  excesses 
of  an  uncontrollable  mob.  A  general  expulsion  has  not 
been  ordered,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped,  that  the  Germans 
living  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  in  its  colonies  will  not 
suffer  too  heavy  damages,  in  person  or  in  property.  Russia, 
France  and  Belgium  on  the  other  hand,  have  by  the 
ill-treatment  and  plundering  of  foreigners  living  in  their 
countries,  struck  themselves  out  of  the  list  of  civilised 
nations.  Innumerable  reports  from  expelled  or  fugitive 
people  prove  this,  and  official  reports  confirm  them.  Also 
the  press  of  neutral,  neighboring  countries,  such  as 
Switzerland,  Holland  and  Italy  is  full  of  similar  complaints. 


74 

Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  news  from  Russia,  the  facts 
known  so  far  only  concern  Petersburg  where  German 
and  Austrian  men  and  women,  residents  or  transients, 
were  beaten  and  stoned  in  the  streets.  Here  were  also 
some  cruel  mutilations  and  murders.  The  beautiful  buil- 
ding of  the  German  Embassy  in  Petersburg  was  attacked 
by  the  mob.  And  the  police  watched  all  these  misdeeds 
with  crossed  arms  or  even  assisted.  Probably  what  took 
place  in  Petersburg  also  occured  in  other  Russian  cities; 
we  shall  soon  know. 

There  are  a  great  many  complaints  against  the  French 
and  the  Belgians.  On  the  evening  of  August  i  st,  the 
mobilisation  was  announced,  and  the  next  morning, 
the  official  order  was  posted  on  the  walls,  that  within 
24  hours  from  the  beginning  of  that  day,  all  Germans 
andAustrians  irrespective  of  sex,  age  or  profession,  would 
have  to  leave  France.  Those  who  remained  and  could  not 
reach  the  boundary  would  be  taken  to  the  south-western 
part  of  the  country  and  imprisoned.  There  were  few  trains 
for  Belgium  or  Switzerland.  Thousands  and  thousands 
who  had  to  abandon  their  property,  rushed  to  the  stations 
with  wife  and  children,  fought  for  room  in  the  overcrowded 
trains,  surrounded  by  a  howling  mob,  and  even  then 
were  punched  and  slapped  by  policemen.  During  the 
trip,  there  was  nothing  but  misery.  Men  and  women  fell 
ill,  children  died.  The  refugees  had  to  cross  the  Bel- 
gian boundary,  walking  a  distance  of  6-7  kilometers  in 
the  middle  of  the  night,  dead-tired,  their  luggage  stolen 


75 

— sometimes,  it  is  said,  by  officials.  In  Belgium,  the 
same  tragedy  occurred  as  in  France.  And  then  came  the 
salvation.  The  cordial,  hospitable  reception  by  the  Ger- 
mans in  Holland  and  Switzerland  is  unanimously  praised 
and  appreciated. 

The  reports  of  brutal  acts  from  Paris,  Antwerp,  Brussels 
would  be  incredible,  were  they  not  confirmed  hundred- 
fold. The  most  brutal  and  insulting  threats  of  death  were 
flung  by  processions  of  people  going  through  the  streets, 
to  all  those  who  looked  like  foreigners.  They  were  severely 
illtreated.  Houses  and  stores  were  upset,  furniture  and  the 
like  was  thrown  into  the  streets,  employees  and  working 
people  were  dragged  out,  women  were  stripped  and  pushed 
through  the  streets,  children  were  thrown  out  of  windows. 
Knives,  swords,  sticks  and  revolvers  were  used.  One  could 
fill  books  with  the  details,  but  they  are  all  equally  cruel. 
Not  only  Germans  and  Austrians  were  expelled  and  ill- 
treated,  but  citizens  of  neutral  states  shared  this  awful  lot. 
Thousands  of  Italians  were  expelled,  as  well  as  numerous 
Roumanians.  The  press  in  both  countries  complains  bitterly 
and  asks  what  has  become  of  those  who  remained  in 
France  and  were  imprisoned  in  the  South — but  nobody 
knows. 

History  will  place  this  ill-treatment  and  oppression  of 
foreigners  on  record.  The  responsibility  rests,  not  with 
an  uncontrollable  mob,  but  with  the  government  and  the 
authorities  of  the  two  countries  who  have  always  boasted 
of  their  culture. 


COMMERCE  AND  TRADE  RELATIONS 
BETWEEN  GERMANY  AND  U.S.A. 

Germany's  financial  rise  since  1870.  Export  and  Import  with 
the  U.  S.  A.  The  present  firm  condition  of  German  finance. 

POLITICIANS  and  commercial  men  must  base  their 
plans  upon  facts,  as  they  are  and  not  as  they  wish 
they  were,  otherwise  they  fail.  France  has  closed  its  eyes 
not  only  to  the  great  intellectual  and  moral  assists  of 
Germany  but  also  to  its  commercial  resources. 

France  has  repeatedly  declared  that  Germany  could 
not  effect  a  serious  political  opposition,  because  a  war 
would  result  in  the  ruin  of  its  commercial  and  financial 
strength.  This  we  heard  in  the  Morocco  crisis,  also  in  the 
Balkan  wars.  Germany's  love  of  peace  which  was  tested 
in  the  above-mentioned  cases  strengthened  the  French 
in  their  error.  He  however,  who  has  taken  the  trouble 
to  visit  Germany  and  the  Germans  in  their  places  of 
employment — and  especially  Americans  in  recent  years 
have  done  this,  however  also  many  Englishmen,  who  in 
vain  have  protested  against  the  war  with  Germany — he 
can  testify  to  the  astonishing  commercial  advancement, 
which  Germany  has  made  since  its  political  union  by  Bis- 
marck. 

A  few  facts  and  statistics  may  recall  this  to  memory. 
The  population  of  Germany  has  since  1870,  immigrants 


77 

excluded,  increased  from  40  millions  to  67  millions,  round 
numbers.  Incomes  and  wages  in  particular  have  ap- 
proximately doubled  during  the  last  generation ;  savings- 
deposits  have  increased  six-fold.  Although,  only  a  genera- 
tion ago,  commerce  and  trade  employed  only  about  2/5  of 
the  population,  now  more  than  3^^  are  engaged  in  this 
field  of  work,  and  Germany,  as  a  result  of  its  agricultural 
economy  and  increased  intense  farming,  is  to-day  the  third 
largest  agricultural  country  of  the  world.  In  the  coal  and 
iron  industries,  Germany  is  second  only  to  America.  In 
one  generation  its  coal  production  increased  2  '/2-fold,  its 
raw  iron  production  almost  four-fold.  During  the  same 
period  of  time  the  capital  of  the  German  banks  increased 
four-fold  and  their  reserve  fund  eight-fold.  Characteristic 
of  Germany  is  the  fact  that  hand  in  hand  with  this  active 
private  initiative  is  a  strong  feeling  for  the  great  uni- 
versal interests  and  for  organic  cooperation  of  private  and 
state  resources.  This  feeling  explains  the  perfect  working 
of  our  state  activities,  in  particular  our  railways,  95*^/0  of 
which  are  owned  by  the  government  and  which  yield  an 
essentially  higher  revenue  than  those  in  England  or  France ; 
it  explains  further  the  willing  assumption  of  the  great 
financial  burdens  which  general  insurance  imposes  upon 
those  engaged  in  private  enterprises  and  which  to-day  is 
proving  a  blessing  to  almost  the  entire  laboring  force  of 
Germany,  to  an  extent  which  has  not  yet  been  realized  by 
any  other  country. 


78 

What  economic  value  to  the  world  has  a  nation  which 
for  more  than  forty  years  has  concentrated  all  its  energy 
in  peaceful  industry?  Does  anyone  deny  that  Germany's 
great  technical  and  commercial  advancement  has  been 
a  blessing  in  respect  to  the  development  of  the  world? 
Has  not  the  commercial  advancement  in  Germany  had  the 
effect  of  awaking  new  productive  powers  in  all  parts  of 
the  world  and  of  adding  new  territories  which  engage 
in  the  exchange  of  goods  with  the  civilized  nations  of  the 
world?  Since  the  founding  of  the  new  German  Empire, 
German  foreign  trade  has  increased  from  5  ^/a  to  ap- 
proximately 20  billion  marks.  Germany  has  become 
the  best  customer  of  a  great  number  of  countries.  Not 
only  has  the  German  consumption  of  provisions  and  luxu- 
ries increased  in  an  unusual  degree,  also  that  of  meat, 
tropical  fruits,  sugar,  tobacco  and  colonial  products,  but 
above  all  else  that  of  raw  materials  such  as  coal,  iron, 
copper  and  other  metals,  cotton,  petroleum,  wood,  skins, 
etc.  Germany  furnishes  a  market  for  articles  of  manu- 
facture also,  forAmerican  machinery,  English  wool,  French 
luxury  articles,  etc.  One  is  absolutely  wrong  in  the  belief, 
that  the  competition  of  German  industry  in  the  world 
market  has  been  detrimental  to  other  commercial  nations. 
Legitimate  competition  increases  the  business  of  all  con- 
cerned. 

The  United  States  of  America  has  reaped  especial 
profit  from  Germany's  flourishing  commercial  condition. 
Germany  purchases  more   from  the  U.S.A.  than  from 


79 

any  other  country  of  the  world.  Germany  buys  annually 
from  the  U.S.A.  approximately  $  170,000,000  worth  of 
cotton,  $  75,000,000  worth  of  copper,  $  60,000,000 
worth  of  wheat,  $  40,000,000  animal  fat,  $  20,000,000 
mineral  oil  and  the  same  amount  of  vegetable  oil.  In 
1 890  the  import  and  export  trade  between  Germany  and 
the  U.S.  amounted  to  only  $  100,000,000,  in  191 3  to 
about  $  610,000,000.  Germany  to-day  imports  from  the 
U.S.  goods  to  the  value  of  $  430,000,000,  while  she 
exports  to  the  U.S.  nearly  $  180,000,000  worth.  No 
nation  therefore  can  judge  as  well  as  the  U.S.  what 
German  commerce  means  to  the  world. 

In  what  condition  are  the  finances  of  Germany?  In  this 
field  our  opponents  will  be  obliged  to  change  their  views. 
In  1 9 1  2  Germany's  national  debt  was  about  1 4  marks  per 
capita  lower  than  England's.  The  public  debt  of  France 
per  capita  was  far  more  than  double  that  of  Germany.  Ger- 
many, however,  has  large  national  assets  which  offset  its 
liabilities.  For  example,  the  stocks  of  the  Prussian  rail- 
ways alone  exceed  by  far  the  aggregate  amount  of  the 
Prussian  debt,  the  income  of  the  railways  alone  is  essen- 
tially greater  than  the  amount  which  the  interest  and 
amortisation  of  the  entire  state  debt  demand.  The  war, 
which  according  to  the  French  conception,  was  destined 
to  bring  about  the  financial  and  commercial  ruin  of  Ger- 
many, has  brought  forth  the  astonishing  result,  that  the  fa- 
mous French  money  market  was  the  first  to  fail  in  this  crisis. 
As  early  as  July  2  5  th,  before  the  rejection  of  the  Austrian 


8o 

Ultimatum  by  Servia  had  been  made  known,  the  offer  of 
3  °/o  redeemable  French  notes  to  the  French  exchange  was 
so  great  that  the  Chambre  Syndicale  des  Agents  de  Change 
in  the  interest  of  the  public,  prohibited  the  quotation  of 
a  lower  rate  than  78^/0,  while  bids  of  74^/0  had  already 
been  submitted.  Sale  in  blank  was  absolutely  forbidden 
and  in  the  coulisse,  business  was  at  a  standstill.  A  few 
days  later,  the  July  liquidation,  in  the  official  market  as 
well  as  in  the  coulisse,  was  postponed  until  the  end  of 
August,  which  action  proved  the  necessity  of  a  period  of 
grace.  On  July  31st  the  French  savings-banks,  at  the 
command  of  the  government,  suspended  daily  payments 
and  paid  out  sums  to  the  amount  of  50  francs,  fourteen 
days  notice  being  necessary.  The  London  money  market 
too  has  hardly  stood  the  war  test.  On  July  30  th  the 
Bank  of  England  was  obliged  to  raise  its  rate  of  discount 
from  3  to  4°/o,  several  days  later  to  8  0/0  and  again 
after  a  few  days  to  the  incredible  rate  of  io°/o.  In  con- 
trast to  this,  the  President  of  the  German  Reichsbank 
was  able,  on  the  ist  of  August  to  declare  that  the  direc- 
torate, because  of  the  strength  of  the  Reichsbank  and  the 
solid  constitution  of  the  German  money  market,  did 
not  consider  it  necessary  to  follow  England's  example. 
The  German  Reichsbank  has  therefore  not  exceeded  the 
rate  of  6  °/o.  Worse  yet  was  the  fact  that  England  on  Au- 
gust 2nd  was  obliged  to  require  grace  on  exchange  and 
France  on  August  3rd,  grace  on  its  accounts-current  and 
Lombard  loans.  Although  along  with  England  and  France, 


8i 

also  Russia,  Austria,  Italy,  Belgium  and  other  nations  re- 
quired temporary  credit,  Germany  to  date  has  not  deemed 
it  necessary  to  ask  for  time  in  meeting  its  obligations. 
Savings-banks,  other  banks  and  financial  institutions  are 
meeting  all  demands  without  restriction.  The  fact,  that 
the  English  money  market  which  up  to  the  present  time 
has  been  considered  the  financial  center  of  international 
trade,  has  failed,  will  bring  many  a  serious  thought  to 
all  commercial  men  interested  in  the  world  market. 

German  commerce  has  doubtless  been  temporarily  in- 
jured by  the  war,  but  the  esprit  de  corps  and  organization 
which  animate  the  German  nation  are  not  only  a  firm  foun- 
dation for  German  commerce,  but  also  a  strong  support 
for  the  further  development  of  the  commerce  and  trade 
of  the  entire  civilized  world,  if,  as  we  hope,  peace  soon 
be  reestablished. 


WHO  IS  TO  BE  VICTORIOUS? 

An  appeal  to  American  friends. 

THE  American  citizen  who  is  now  leaving  Europe, 
which  has  been  turned  into  an  enormous  military 
camp,  may  consider  himself  fortunate  that  he  will  soon 
be  able  to  set  foot  in  the  new  world  where  he  will  be 
enabled  again  to  take  up  his  business  pursuits.  In  the 
meantime  old  Europe  is  being  torn  asunder  by  a  terrible 
war  among  its  various  peoples.  It  will  make  him  happy 
again  to  greet  mountain  and  valley,  field  and  garden, 
which  are  not  threatened,  nor  trampled  down  by  armies 
or  covered  with  blood;  again  to  see  cities  in  which  bu- 
siness and  traffic  are  not  brought  to  a  standstill  by  calling 
in  all  men  capable  of  military  service ;  and  he  may  thank 
fortune  that  his  people  have  been  given  room  enough  in 
which  to  expand  and  to  permit  them  freely  to  unfold 
their  power;  that  they  are  spared  the  great  necessity  of 
resisting  the  tightening  ring  of  enemies  in  the  east  and 
west,  on  land  and  water,  in  a  struggle  for  national  exist- 
ence. 

But  the  American  will  feel  the  effects  of  the  fate  of 
the  old  world.  Even  though  he  knows  his  own  country 
is  not  directly  involved,  he  will  certainly  realize  that  the 
great  net  of  international  traffic  and  the  progress  of  his 


83 

country  are  connected  by  many  strong  ties  to  the  life 
and  prosperity  of  European  peoples.  He  will  be  affected 
by  every  victory  and  defeat,  just  as  by  the  sun  and  rain 
in  his  own  country.  He  will  doubtless  remember  that  of 
all  European  countries,  Germany  is  the  best  customer  of 
the  United  States,  from  which  she  purchases  yearly  over 
one  billion  marks  in  cotton,  food,  metal  and  technical 
products.  If  Germany  is  economically  ruined,  which  is 
the  wish  of  Russia,  France  and  England  and  all  allied 
friends  of  wretched  Servia,  it  would  mean  the  loss  of 
a  heavy  buyer  to  America,  and  thereby  cause  a  serious 
loss  to  America  which  could  not  easily  be  made  good. 
It  would  be  a  great  blow  to  American  export  trade,  of 
which  Germany  handles  not  less  than  14°/©  yearly. 

The  material  loss  is  not  the  only  feature.  In  the 
economic  struggle  in  the  world  markets,  American  and 
German  commercial  men  have  learned  mutually  to  appre- 
ciate one  another,  to  appreciate  one  another  more  highly 
than  do  any  other  two  rivals.  The  time  is  long  past  when 
the  American  pictured  the  German  as  one  of  thousands, 
shut  up  in  a  room,  surrounded  by  documents  and  parch- 
ments, speculating  about  the  unknown  outside  world, 
and  the  same  is  true  of  the  German's  idea  of  the  American 
— a  money-hungry  barbarian.  Two  nations  in  which  so 
much  kindred  blood  flows  and  which  are  connected  by 
so  many  historical  events  understand  each  other  better 
to-day  than  formerly.  Above  all,  they  have  a  mutual 
understanding  regarding  the  ideal  in  commercial  life :  A 


84 

man  engaged  in  work  not  for  the  sake  of  the  profit,  but 
for  the  sake  of  the  work  he  is  doing ;  one  who  gives  all  his 
strength  to  his  task,  and  who  works  for  the  general  wel- 
fare of  the  people  as  a  whole,  considering  his  position  as 
an  office  and  his  wealth  as  an  obligation,  not  as  the  final 
aim,  but  as  a  basis  for  the  realization  of  higher  attain- 
ments. He  places  the  value  of  character  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  creative  powers  of  man  higher  than  all  econo- 
mic success.  Two  nations  united  by  such  common  incli- 
nations and  ideals,  boldness  of  enterprise,  far-sightedness, 
quickness  of  decision,  admiration  for  intellectual  achieve- 
ments, cannot  help  being  exceedingly  congenial  to  each 
other.  What  concerns  one  to-day,  concerns  the  other. 

Does  it  sound  like  a  paradox  when  I  say  Germany's 
struggle  concerns  not  only  her  own  destiny,  but  to  a 
considerable  extent  that  of  America?  Does  the  United 
States  consider  itself  entirely  immune  from  the  warlike 
complications  brought  about  by  the  Servian  murder  of 
princes  and  Russia's  breach  of  faith?  In  any  event  it 
will  be  difficult  for  it  to  say:  "What's  Hecuba  to  me?" 
One  thing  should  be  clearly  understood  on  the  shores  of 
the  five  oceans,  that  the  cause  of  this  most  terrible  war 
does  not  emanate  from  the  dark  Balkans,  or  from  a 
Russian  military  group,  but  from  envy  and  hate  which 
healthy,  young  and  striving  Germany  has  aroused  in  her 
older  rivals;  not  because  this  or  that  demand  was  made 
by  one  cabinet  and  refused  by  another,  but  because  it 
was  believed  there  was  finally  an  opportunity  to  destroy 


85 

the  hated  opponent  who  threatened  to  put  the  older 
Western  European  powers  in  the  shade,  and  for  this 
reason  England  and  France  put  their  strength  into  the 
service  of  criminal  and  brutal  Servia.  The  following  sta- 
tistics will,  perhaps,  throw  some  light  on  the  develop- 
ment of  the  foreign  trade  of  the  principal  countries  from 
1870  to  191 3:  ( — in  billions  of  marks — ). 


1870 

1913 

Great  Britain 

9,180 

23,280 

France 

4,540 

12,300 

Russia 

2,000 

5.580 

Germany 

4,240 

20,440 

In  these  43  years,  which  have  been  decisive  in  the 
development  of  international  economy,  England,  France 
and  Russia  have  not  been  able  even  to  increase  their 
foreign  trade  three  times,  while  Germany  and  the  United 
States  have  increased  theirs  Jive  times.  The  trade  of  Ger- 
many and  the  United  States  has  increased  from  7.6  to  38 
billion  marks.  If  these  figures  show  nothing  else,  they 
show  on  which  side  the  American  sympathy  will  be.  This 
war,  provoked  by  Russia  because  of  an  outrageous  desire 
for  revenge,  supported  by  England  and  France,  has  no 
other  motive  than  envy  of  Germany's  position  in  economic 
life,  and  of  her  people,  who  are  fighting  for  a  place  in 
the  sun.  "  Right  or  wrong,  Germany  must  not  grow."  That 
is  the  turning  point  of  a  policy  which  the  French  Republic 
drilled  into  the  Muscovites.  Let  us  consider  the  adversaries 
of  Germany.  Russia,  the  classic  land  of  power  and  terrible 


86 

exploitation  of  the  people  for  the  benefit  of  a  degenerated 
aristocracy.  France,  a  type  of  a  nation  in  which  there  is 
not  even  enough  enterprise  to  increase  the  productiveness 
of  the  country.  England,  which  has  so  long  felt  its  glory 
vanishing  and  in  the  meantime  has  remained  far  behind  its 
younger  rival  in  financial  and  economic  equipment.  One  can 
easily  imagine  the  feelings  of  these  peoples  when  they 
observe  the  rapid  and  successful  growth  of  Germany,  and 
wonders  if  these  same  feelings  will  not  one  day  be  directed 
against  the  youthful  North  American  giant.  In  this  war  it 
shall  be  decided  which  is  the  stronger :  the  organized  inertia 
of  the  tired  and  envious,  or  the  unfolding  of  power  in  the 
service  of  a  strong  and  sacrificing  life.  To  know  that  we 
have  American  friendship  in  this  struggle  will  mean  a 
great  moral  support  for  us  in  the  coming  trying  days,  for 
we  know  that  the  country  of  George  WAsmNGTON  and 
Abraham  Lincoln  places  itself  only  on  the  side  of  a  just 
cause  and  one  worthy  of  humanity's  blessing. 


CONTENTS. 

Listen,  all  ye  People! 5 

How  the  War  came  about 10 

Reichstag  and  Emperor 20 

The  German  Mobilization 27 

Army  and  Navy 34 

Neutrality  by  the  Grace  of  England 42 

The  Attitude  of  Germany's  Enemies 48 

Lies  about  Germany ^y 

Germany  and  the  Foreigner 71 

Conmierce  and  Trade  Relations  between  Germany  and  U.S.A.     .  76 

Who  is  to  be  Victorious? 82 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

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